Wednesday, June 29, 2022

UNSUNG LEGACY OF MAHARAJA PRITHVI PATI SHAH OF GARHWAL KINGDOM - IMMORTAL RAJPUTS




Unsung legacy of a hero and inspiring Journey of Swasti Shri 1008 Badrish Charya Prayana Garh-Rajya Mahi Mahendra Dharam, Vaibhav Dharam Rakshah Shiromani Shri 108 Maharaja Prithvi Pat Shah Sahib Bahadur, Maharaja of Garhwal. b. at Srinagar, 1624, son of Swasti Shri 1008 Badrish Charya Prayana Garh-Rajya Mahi Mahendra Dharam, Vaibhav Dharam Rakshah Shiromani Shri 108 Maharaja Mahipat Shah "Garva Bhanjan", Maharaja of Garhwal, by his wife, Maharani Karnavati, http://lifeispreciousnotrace.blogspot.com/2020/08/garhwal-rani-karnawati-parmar-immortal.html?m=1 

Succeeded on the death of his father, July 1631. Reigned under the regency of his mother, until he came of age and assumed full ruling powers, ca. 1642. He invited the Jesuit padres in 1648, allotting them some land to cultivate orchards.


The interaction of Garhwal king Prithvi Pati Shah with the Mughals occurred continuously throughout his rule but one major altercation occured after Shah Jahan was taken ill in 1657. Shah Jahan declared Dara Shikoh as his heir but other sons, namely Shah Suja, Murad and Aurangzeb, who all wanted to sit on the throne of Delhi, did not like it. Aurangzeb put his father and brother Murad in prison and declared himself the emperor of India. He sent a battalion to Lahore to capture Dara Shikoh. Aurangzeb wanted all claimants to the throne to be eliminated, He ordered Mirza Raja Jai Singh Kachwaha to bring Sulaiman Shikoh, Son of Prince Dara Shikoh.


But Raja Jai Singh went against Aurangzeb's orders and told Sulaiman Shikoh to take refuge in "Garhwal". Suleman Shikoh, son of Dara Shikoh, who was in Allahabad, came to know about Aurangzeb’s intentions and on the advice of King Jai Singh, who was his local guardian, marched towards Srinagar in Parui Garhwal. Though King Jai Singh deceived him on the way, Suleman still made it to Srinagar. Aurangzeb on learning about Suleman’s whereabouts threatened the Garhwal king to hand over him or he would capture Pataldun or Bhabhar.


The history of Garhwali Rajputs is always under- discussed, they were the ONLY INDEPENDENT HOUSE when the rest were conquered, Rulers of Garhwal were Parmar/Pal Clan of Rajputs. Perhaps the only Unconquered Rajput clan of North India. Kingdom of Garhwal was never under Mughals, thus making it sovereign hence the rule of the Emperor was halted on the borders of Garhwal. After that Unchallenged Rule of Parmar Rajputs began. 

Perhaps this might be the reason why Raja Jai Singh recommended Garhwal, not any other kingdom. When Sulaiman Shikoh took refuge, the king was Prithivipat Shah, he assured Sulaiman Shikoh of his safety and was ready to take even face the brutal "Shahi" army of Aurangzeb. He granted refuge to Prince Sulaiman Shikoh in 1659 and refused to give him up, until his son did so 


Aurangzeb provided all assistance of army and cannons to Raja Rajswaroop of Jammu and ordered him to attack Garhwal from the North and he also conspired with Chand King of Kumaon to attack Garhwal from the south.

One reason why he chose the Rajputs of Jammu and Kumaon over the Rajputs of Bundelkhand, Purvanchal, Punjab, Gujrat, and Rajasthan can be that Garhwalis unlike them were Pahadi Rajputs, people of the plains would fail miserably against them. So choosing Pahadi Rajputs against other Pahadi Rajputs was a good plan. But despite all of this he failed.

Accounts vary, but apparently, Jai Singh convinced a minister to poison Sulaiman. However, the plot was discovered and the minister was executed.



Later frustrated Aurangzeb, forced Raja Jai Singh to write a letter to Prithivipati Shah a "Farman".

In that Farman Raja Jai Singh advised Prithivipati Shah to hand over Sulaiman to Aurangzeb, otherwise, he would face the wrath of the emperor. In response to this "Threatful" letter which was then written on the order of the most dangerous man of the Indian Subcontinent,


The King of Garhwal "Laughed" and said, "let him (Aurangzeb) know that he who could cut off noses could equally cut off heads." Later Jai Singh sent his son and the heir Kunwar Ram Singh to convince the King of Garhwal, Kunwar Ram Singh was welcomed by the king with great warmth.

But when Kunwar Ram Singh asked about Sulaiman, MahaRaja Prthivipati Shah Replied "Son, I will protect my refugee until my dying breath". But Unfortunately, Where Gates of Garhwal were too strong, but those within it were disloyal.

Now, Prince Medini Shah of Garhwal began plotting against Sulaiman; perhaps Jai Singh got to him or he desired to end Garhwal’s tribulations. In late 1660, Jai Singh sent his son Ram Singh to Garhwal, bearing the Emperor’s dire threats. These new developments, and the emerging alliance of Ram Singh and Medini Shah, forced Sulaiman to attempt escaping to Ladakh. However, he was captured by Medini Shah’s men and handed over to the Mughals. while Maharaja Prithvi Shah was fighting against the Kumaonis. The enraged king now recouped power and Anguished King Prithivipatishah BANISHED his only son out of Garhwal, Kunwar Medini Shah — he soon died a refugee in Mughal land and the Kingdom of Garhwal was passed to Swasti Shri 1008 Badrish Charya Prayana Garh-Rajya Mahi Mahendra Dharam, Vaibhav Dharam Rakshah Shiromani Shri 108 Maharaja Fateh Shah Sahib Bahadur, Maharaja of Garhwal. b. at Srinagar, 1632, son of Shri Shri Shri Shri Shri Tikka Medni Shah Sahib Bahadur.

 


But Garhwal never bowed to Turk Luteras, and "Garud Dhwaj" never flew under Mughal Sigil And this "Veer Gaatha" will never be recited by the Left because Garhwal was never under Turk Lutere Mughals nor by the Right because the Garhwal was never under the so-called Great Maratha Empire.


But what sort of "Kshatriya Dharam" which Prithvi PatiShah was following? He fought Hindus to protect a Muslim. This was never his fight, yet he fought like his own. This is something which .....


Source:

Garhwal Ka Ithihas by Dr. Yashwant Singh Katoch/ Harikishan Raturi

Garhwal Himalayas: A Study in Historical Perspective by Ajay Singh Rawat



Monday, June 6, 2022

RAJ KAREGA RAJPUT

.

With an eagle sweep and a tiger's spring
Here was a palace of dwelling king
Now to its turrets creeping plants clinge


The INS Rajput R-class was commissioned in 1949 and was the first destroyer class of the Indian Naval Forces transferred from the Royal Navy after WW2 in 1948.


The 3 old British R-class destroyers HMIS Rajput(ex HMS Rotherham), Rana (ex Redoubt) & Ranjit (ex Raider) were bought in 1948 and commissioned in 1949 as the 11 Destroyer Sqn. Their acquisition, refits/upgrades cost the Royal Indian Navy some £1.045mil .

INS Rajput (D209), WW2 era R-class escort destroyer during fleet exercises

It is also First Indian Naval Ship to be affiliated with Indian Army regiment the Rajput Regiment. INS Rajput is credited with sinking Pakistani submarine Ghazi during the 1971 war. He is the one spooked PNS Ghazi while she laying her mines..


PNS Ghazi, the best submarine enemy had at that time tried to destroy Indian Navy Aircraft Carrier INS Vikrant, but instead Indian Navy Destroyer INS Rajput dispatched the sub to hell.


"With the motto 'Raj Karega Rajput' firmly etched in their minds and indomitable spirit, the gallant crew of INS Rajput have remained ever vigilant and always 'on call' to protect the maritime interest and sovereignty of the nation,"

(The starboard propeller of the PNS Ghazi.)

Afaik, in post WW II, Indian Navy became the first Navy in the world to kill a sub successfully.


 In the finale, PNS Ghazi keeps hunting for Indian Navy Aircraft Carrier INS Vikrant, from Karachi to Chennai and now Vishakhpatnam. Pns Ghazi was already resupplied and refuelled, moved out of Trincomalee harbour on the evening of 23 November 1971. She was off Chennai from 25-27 November and then headed for Vishakhpatnam. She approached Vishakhpatnam harbour at 2200 hours on the night of 29 November and entered the navigation channel at 2345 hours on the night of 1 December. But the option for the Ghazi to enter a Vishakhpatnam harbour, and to target and destroy the Vikrant with her torpedoes at the outset of the war. This appeared to be the best option. The only problem was how long could the Ghazi remain undiscovered in a harbour where a lot of activity took place every day. Also, the depth of the navigational channel did not allow her to go closer than 2.1 nautical miles from the south breakwater of the harbour. She could not go further into the harbour because the minimum submergible depth for a submarine was 15 metres and the margin was too small for a big submarine like the Ghazi.

Indian Navy Aircraft Carrier Ins Vikrant.

So its Commander decided to let the Ghazi stay where she was and to destroy the Vikrant from her present position. The timing of the attack, the method to be used and the location from where she would destroy the Vikrant were finalised in their wardroom. The radar officer confirmed that the large blip on the radar was the Vikrant; the torpedo and gunnery officer confirmed that all drills had been rehearsed. But the medical officer declared that obnoxious fumes had polluted the air in the submarine to dangerous levels, posing a threat not only to the health if the crew but also to the submarine. The hydrogen content was far above accepted levels due to the batteries being old and decrepit. He recommended that the Ghazi should be surfaced to take in fresh air. his Commander knew the importance of surfacing and how much it was necessary to avoid the imminent danger of the Ghazi self-destructing. On 3 December, the advisories to mercantile shipping and civil sir traffic, issued two days earlier had made it clear that Pakistan was on the verge of going to war and that evening, at 5:45 p.m., the Pakistan Air Force would attack Indian Airfields. The earliest that the Ghazi could surface was after dark, when hopefully there would be no fishermen around. He decided to wait until dark. But at around 1700 hours, he was informed by the executive and medical officer that the air within the submarine in the engine room had got really bad and had crossed danger level, and that one if its sailors had been knocked unconscious. 


In fading light there would be fewer chances of the Ghazi being spotted. In the meanwhile, tensions within the crew of the Ghazi were on the rise. The air was getting fetid. Many were coughing, and their eyes were getting affected. At around 1800 hours, Captain gave orders for the Ghazi to surface to periscope level and decided to survey the area around before contemplating any further action. The Ghazi was brought up from the deep to 27 feet below the surface of the sea for an assessment of the scene. Zafar had planned to charge the batteries and bring in fresh air 9 meters below the surface, with a snorkel pipe raised to suck in air to run the diesel engines, charge the batteries and rejuvenate the air inside the boat. Orders were given by the Officer of the Watch for water to be pumped out of the ballast tanks. As the water got pumped out, the board would become lighter and would gradually make its way to the surface. The tanks on both sides of the Ghazi-  port and starboard had to empty simultaneously so that the Ghazi could surface on an even keel. The Ghazi was 15 fathoms beneath the Sea, and the Officer of the Watch was giving the countdown as the Ghazi gradually moved to the surface. But Officer of the Watch stopped when the periscope broke through the surface of the sea 9 meters below the surface, at 1.5 fathoms. It's Captain was looking through the eyepiece of the periscope- he noticed a large Indian naval patrol vessel heading in their direction.


He immediately gave orders for the Ghazi to dive. She managed to get below just in the nick of time, so close that the patrol vessel passed over the Ghazi. They had no other option than wait. The medical officer, came once again to say that the situation was very bad and that it was imperative that the boat surface as early as possible but caprain informed him of the danger of being discovered and destroyed, and said that the earliest it would be safe to surface would be around midnight and so it was decided that the Ghazi would surface around the midnight of 3- 4 December 1971, charge the batteries, have the air pumped out of the submarine and fresh air inducted, and having carried out its maintenance task, go down once again at 0400 hours on 4 December to position itself to destroy the Vikrant.


Unbeknown to gahzi Captain, at 1745 hours on 3 December 1971, the Pakistan Air Force attacked Indian airfields in Ambala, Uttarlai, Jodhpur, Pathankot, Srinagar and Avantipur and so India and Pakistan were already at war! Ghazi was already late. Vice Admiral Muzzaffar Hassan, the Pakistani Naval Chief, was pacing up and down in his office in Karachi, waiting for news from Ghazi that he had destroyed the Vikrant, but there was no communication from the Ghazi. The moment for the Ghazi had arrived and there was no news from the Ghazi. 


Shortly before midnight, there was a tremendous explosion in the waters of Vishakhpatnam harbour. The explosion shattered the windowpanes of the houses that faced the harbour. However, it was not the Vikrant that had been blown up. Something else had happened. On the afternoon of 4 December, some fishermen brought objects from the sea that happened to be the debris of the Ghazi, which had surfaced from the bottom of the sea. Putting two and two together, the Commander of the naval station of Vishakhpatnam came to the conclusion that the Ghazi had come into the harbour of Vishakhpatnam and had self-destructed and the biggest twist in the story is that the Vikrant was never in Vishakhpatnam. She was in fact somewhere else. 


INS Rajput, an obsolete destroyer about to be decommissioned, was performing the role of a decoy ship, simulating signal traffic for rations, fuel for the aircraft aboard the Vikrant and fuel for the Vikrant itself, conveying to ‘all who were listening’ that the Vikrant was in Vishakhpatnam harbour, whereas she was in a secure harbour in the Andaman and Nicobar islands! These messages were in low-grade cipher, allowing the Pakistanis to break the code and be deceived as to the actual situation.


The engineers on the Vikrant, meanwhile, managed to do a great job in getting the recalcitrant boiler into reasonable shape, allowing the Vikrant to work up a reasonable speed that allowed its aircraft yo take off from its deck to support operations against the ports of Khulna and Chittagong and so, the Vikrant redeemed itself in carrying out its legitimate role in giving air cover for naval and ground operations in the eastern theatre.


Today, the Ghazi lies at 17 degrees, 41 minutes, 05.7 seconds north; and 83 degrees, 21 minutes, 04.7 seconds east; and is 2.1 nautical miles from the South Breakwater at a depth of 20.4 metres. Indian naval divers, who went down to the wreck that day after the sinking confirmed that it was in fact the Ghazi that lay at the bottom of the sea. They reported that the submarine had been ripped apart from the conning tower to the snub, indicating that she had self-destructed due to an internal explosion. The cause was not known, but indications were that this had happened due primarily to the detonation of combustible gas, as there had been similar instances with submarines of other navies worldwide around that time. If, as it had been reported, the Ghazi had been blown up on its own mines that it was laying, then the bottom of the submarine would have been ripped apart, which, according to the divers, was not the case. With hindsight, it can be presumed that at around the midnight of 3 December, as the Ghazi attempted to surface, a spark from one of the batteries ignited the volatile gas within the submarine, and the Ghazi blew up in an explosion the plan of the Commander-in-Chief, Pakistan Navy, and Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Muzzaffar Hassan, had backfired.

The bridge windshield of PNS Ghazi recovered by the Indian Navy after she went down along with her complement of officers and men.

The Americans offered to recover the Ghazi on grounds that it was an American submarine given to Pakistan on lease and that they therefore had the right to recover it. India refused permission stating that the Ghazi had entered the Indian territorial waters illegally and was destroyed after Pakistan had attacked India.

Admiral N Krishnan showing a clock recovered from PNS Ghazi to Hon President of India Shri VV Giri.

The Ghazi’s presence during the war in Vishakhapatnam harbour, India said, was an act of war, which made her a ‘war trophy’ and therefore the property of the Indian Government. So, the permission to recover her could not be given. The Pakistan Navy offered to recover the Ghazi on the basis that it was her vessel. This request was turned down for the same reasons that were given to the Americans.


Nation is Proud of the INS RAJPUT and the affiliated regiment to which it belong....he may become old and outdated yet can't be ignored as the punch remains as powerful as it was....Never mind the age....Shall continue to serve the motherland as hithertofore....

Saturday, May 28, 2022

SHRI RUKMINI KUND - IMMORTAL RAJPUTS


बिलासपुर जिला मुख्यालय से करीब २८-२९ किमी दूर औहर क्षेत्र पड़ता है। वहीं उसी क्षेत्र में एक स्थान है रूकमणी कुंड जो कि आसपास के इलाकों ही नहीं बल्कि पड़ोसी जिलों के लोगों के लिए भी आस्था का केंद्र है। यह स्थान एक जलाशय के रूप में है जो कि पथरीली पहाड़ियों के बीच है।

हजारों साल पहले की बात है कि इस इलाके में बहुत बड़ा सूखा पड़ा । फसलें सूख गईं । पानी के स्त्रोत सूख गए ।लोगों में हाहाकार मच गया । इलाके के लोगों ने गांव के बड़े राजपूत जमीदार से मिलकर गुहार लगाई थी .....चलो कहीं दूसरी जगह चल पड़ते हैं । जहां पीने को पानी मिले । यहां तो पशु भी पानी के बिना हाहाकार कर रहे हैं ।जमीदार ने कहा.... ठीक है । जैसे आप कहेंगे वैसे करेंगे। फिर वह खामोश रहा । अपने बुजुर्गों की भूमि छोड़ने का उसका मन नहीं कर रहा था । ऊधर गांव के लोग लगातार उसे गांव छोड़ने का दबाव डाल रहे थे ।


एक रात उसे सपना आया कि यदि वह अपने बड़े बेटे की बलि देगा तो सूखा खत्म हो जाएगा । आसमान से बादल बरसने लगेंगे । सब तरफ हरियाली छा जाएगी । पानी के स्रोतों में पानी आ जाएगा । यह सपना देख कर जमीदार पसीने पसीने हो गया । उसका सपना टूट गया । वह उठ कर बैठ गया । उसने अपने सपने की बात लोगों से सांझा की ।

उसके बेटे ने कहा कि यदि मेरे बलि देने से गांव में सूखे का प्रकोप समाप्त होता है, तो उसे खुशी होगी । तभी उसकी बहू जो अपने मायके तरेड़ गांव गई हुई थी ,वह अपने ससुराल वापस आ गई । उसे पता चल गया था कि सूखे के कारण लोग गांव छोड़कर कहीं दूसरी जगह जाना चाहते हैं । अपने घर पहुंच कर उसने अपने आंगन में लोगों को इकट्ठे हुए देखा । अपने ससुर को चिंतित भी देखा । उसे भी पिछली रात वैसा ही सपना आया था । जैसे उसके ससुर को आया था । उसने ससुर के मन की बात को भांप लिया । उसका नाम रुकमणी था । रुकमणी ने ससुर से कहा कि आप क्यों चिंता करते हैं ? मैं भी आपके बेटे की तरह हूं । बड़ी हूं । मैं अपना बलि देने के लिए तैयार हूं । मेरी बली दीजिए । मुझे खुशी खुशी होगी यदि मेरी बलि से गांव में सूखे का प्रकोप समाप्त हो जाए ।

आखिर उसकी बात मानी गई । रुकमणी को नई नवेली दुल्हन की तरह सजाया गया और उसे बलि के लिए ले जाया जाने लगा । सतलुज नदी के किनारे ऊपर रपैड़ गांव में बलि देने के लिए उसे डोली में बिठाकर ले जाने की तैयारी हुई ।

जब उसे बलि के लिए ले जाया जाने लगा तो अपशकुन होने लगे । दिन में सियार रोने लगे तो कौओं की बोली करकस हो गई । कुत्ते रोने लगे । जानवर रोने लगे ।

तब रुक्मिणी ने कहा ......अरे जंगली जानवरों तुम ऐसी बोली मत बोलो । मैं तो अपनी बलि देने जा रही हूं ताकि सूखे का प्रकोप समाप्त हो जाए । आखिर उसे बलि वाले स्थान पर ले जाया गया । राज मिस्त्रियों ने एक दीवार में उसे चिनना शुरू कर दिया ।

तब रुक्मणी ने कहा .... उसके पांव नंगे रखना ताकि इन पांव में उसकी सखियां मेहंदी लगा सके । जब राजमिस्त्री दीवारें उसके छाती तक लेकर आ गए तो उसने कहा था की छात्ती नंगी रखना ताकि उसका बेटा दूध पी सके । और जब चिनाई उसके सिर तक पहुंच गई । राजमिस्त्री दीवार चिनते हुए ऊपर पहुंचे तो उसने कहा ..... कि उसके बालों को नंगे रखना ताकि उसके बालों को उसकी सहेलियां संवार सके ।


इस तरह उसने लोगों की भलाई के लिए , समाज के कल्याण के लिए , अपनी बलि दे दी ।

कहते हैं उस समय उसकी छाती से दूध की धार बह गई जो बाद में पानी में परिवर्तित हो गई । देखते-देखते सारा सूखा खत्म हो गया । सब तरफ हरियाली छाने लगी ।पानी के स्त्रोत भर उठे । रुकमणी रपैड़ गांव की थी जो कि सतलुज नदी के समीप था । तरेड़ गांव के लोग इस रुक्मणी कुंड का पानी नहीं पीते थे । वो कहते थे कि यह पानी हमारी बेटी के बलिदान के कारण निकला है । इसे हम नहीं पिएंगे ।

आज भी हर वर्ष वैशाखी के त्यौहार के उपलक्ष में रुक्मणी कुंड में बड़ा भारी मेला लगता है । दूर-दूर से लोग यहां स्नान करने आते हैं । यहां समीप की बगड़ घास को महिलाएं गूंथती हैं, जैसे सिरगुंदी कर रही हों । सिर के बाल गूंथ रही हों । यह सब रुकमणी की याद में किया जाता है । रुकमणी की याद में गीत गाए जाते हैं । रुकमणी दि सुद् सुपने आई ,बडि़यां-बलियां मंगदी पाइयो बडि़यां-बलियां मंगदी......।

रुक्मणी कुंड में पानी एक गुफा से निकलता है । यह पानी दर्जनों गांव की प्यास बुझाता है औहर गांव में सिंचाई के काम आता है । गुफा से लगातार निकलने वाला पानी रुक्मणी के बलिदान की कहानी बयान करता रहता है ।


It is story of Auhar region which was in trouble because of dearth of water despite their repeated efforts to dig a well. Once the Rajput Ruler of Barsandh had a dream that in case his son or daughter in law is offered as a sacrifice, water could come out. Legend is there that a newly married young lady named Rukmani of Taredh Village married to Rundh Family, Rajput ruler of Barsandh village, was buried alive by the side of the spot which was selected for digging a Baoli (Tank). The daughter-in-law, Rukmani offered herself in preference to her husband. She sacrificed her life and the present Rukmani Kund is a result of her courageous act. It is said that she was buried alive at the place where we have this Kund today.


According to Omacanda Hāṇḍā in Buddhist Art & Antiquities of Himachal Pradesh, Up to 8th Century A.D., such stories of Woman sacrifices were common instances in which women were sacrificed to Nāga Devta for the sake of water. Similar stories can be taken into consideration like Rupi Rani of Gushal Village in Lahul Valley, Rani Nayana of Raja Sahil Varman of Chamba, Bichi of Sirmaur and Kandi Rani of Kishtwar in Jammu who were sacrificed to Nāga Devta for the sake of water. Human Sacrifices to Nāga Devta has been one of the most conspicuous features of Austric Tribes.


Grass (baggad) hanging from the walls of the Kund is considered her hair. And it is there because of the magical power of the reservoir water. People tie ribbons, bangles to the grass to offer tribute to Rukmani. It is also believed that the waters of this reservoir can cure skin ailments. Shri Rukmani belonged to Auhar (erstwhile Tared Village) and even today people from Rukmani's village don't drink or bathe in the Kund's waters. Such is the pride they take in their daughter's sacrifice.

Monday, May 16, 2022

ॐ नमः शिवायः

 Seemed with our slender stock contented;How could such saws conviction strike,To which no mortal act assented?















MAHAVIR LANCE NAIK DRIGPAL SINGH RATHORE AT THE GHAZI POST - IMMORTAL RAJPUTS

 INFANTRY, it is said, is the last 100 yards of a nation’s foreign policy, necessarily executed by the foot soldier. So it was in most instances in the 1971 war, too. Where 15 Rajput with other Units was called upon to deliver Indian foreign policy near Fazilka (Punjab). In order to stop the advance of the enemy, Indian Army launched the counter offensive with 15 Rajput along with 4 Jat and 3 Assam battalions.


Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh of 15 Rajput was among them. He would deliver the infantryman’s foreign policy. He as the head of a section 15 Rajput, not at the Beriwala bridge, but at the Ghazi post, on a flank that was in support of the Pakistanis, as his MVC citation describes:

“Even after the capture of the objective by the battalion, two enemy medium machine guns in pillboxes were still interfering with the reorganisation and inflicting casualties on our troops. Realising the importance of silencing these guns, Lance Naik DP Singh took two other ranks with him and with utter disregard for his life and safety, crawled up to the first bunker and silenced the medium machine gun by lobbing a grenade. He then started crawling to the next bunker but in the process received a burst from the machine gun on his left shoulder. Although bleeding profusely, he crawled to within 6 feet of the second bunker and was about to lob a grenade when he received a second burst of automatic fire in his chest, killing him on the spot. His daring act, however, forced the enemy to abandon the second bunker, leaving behind the machine gun and a large quantity of ammunition.”

In this action, Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh was awarded "Maha Vir Chakra", posthumously. He displayed outstanding courage and determination and made the supreme sacrifice in keeping with the highest traditions of the Indian Army.


Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh Rathore, MVC(P) hailed from Rajput Family of Naugma village in Shahjahanpur district of Uttar Pradesh. Son of Shri Sunder Singh Rathore, he was born on 23 December 1945 and had two brothers as his siblings. Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh joined the Army after completing his schooling on 23 December 1965 at the age of 20 years. He was recruited into the 15 Rajput of the Rajput Regiment, an infantry Regiment well known for its fearless soldiers and various battle honours. By 1971, he had completed around 6 years of service and had taken part in various field operations.



During Operation Cactus Lily in 1971, Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh's unit 15 Rajput got deployed in Fazilka on the western border in Punjab. As war broke out with Pakistan on the 3rd of December, 1971.

 Post 04 December, the troops took Counter Penetration positions and continuously engaged the enemy and destroyed his tanks, weapons and equipment and did not allow him to expand his Bridge Head or induct his armour. They had held off an enemy brigade attack supported by armour in the face of intense artillery fire from 03 December till 17 December on the Sabuna Distributary and did not allow the enemy to break out beyond the first obstacle.

Presence of tanks and missile detachments at either side of the breach was perhaps one of the biggest deterrents to the enemy for offensive employment of armour. Successful engagement of a tank by a missile on 07 December established the effectiveness of the weapon system and forced sufficient caution on the enemy’s mind. Had there been no presence of tanks and ATGMs at Sabuna, the enemy could have gone in for a bolder employment option and used the tanks for expansion of the breach. If he had been successful, history would have been very different.

Unfortunately, all Indian counterattacks failed miserably as troops were committed piecemeal from the expected direction and over ground having a funnelling effect on the assaulting troops. These unimaginative attacks resulted in inordinately heavy casualties and eroded morale. Amidst all this, what stood out was the determination, courage and bravery of the junior leaders and men.


One such action, lead by Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh, commanding his section led the Rajputs attack on the Ghazi post The battle for the post was one of the most horrific in the Fazilka sector, as the 15 Rajput was suffering heavy casualties in the fight. The fight turned out to be very challenging with Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh and his comrades resorting to hand to hand combat. As the operation was underway, Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh noticed that 2 enemy MMGs were still raining down a massive amount of fire on 15 Rajput soldiers. Sensing the gravity of the situation, Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh decided that the MMGs had to be silenced at any cost.


Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh took two other ranks with him and with utter disregard for his life and safety crawled 200 yards up to the first bunker and silenced the Medium Machine Gun by lobbing a grenade . He then started crawling to the next bunker but, in the process received a burst from the machine gun on his left shoulder. Although bleeding profusely, he crawled to within six feet of the second bunker and was about to lob a grenade when he received a second burst of automatic fire on his chest which proved fatal for him, and on December 13th 1971. Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh a valiant and committed soldier laid down his life in the line of his duty. 


But his daring act, however, forced the enemy to abandon the second bunker, leaving behind the machine gun and a large quantity of ammunition.


15 Rajput had captured the Gazi post complex of Pakistan defences in the north, taking a platoon’s worth of prisoners and plenty of equipment, including one Sherman tank in running condition. 


His bust adorns a War Heroes’ Memorial at Asafwala in Fazilka district, where the remains of more than 80 other Indian soldiers that were found after the war are interred.


Lance Naik Drig Pal Singh was given the nation's 2nd highest gallantry award, "Maha Vir Chakra" for his outstanding courage, determination and supreme sacrifice.









Sunday, May 15, 2022

BRAVE MAJOR NARAIN SINGH BHATYAL IN BATTLE OF FAZILKA AT BERIWALA BRIDGE - IMMORTAL RAJPUTS


James A. Garfield once said, “A brave man is a man who dares to look the Devil in the face and tell him he is a Devil”. Major Narain Singh is such a valiant name in the history of Indian Army that has not only earned honour and respect nationally but internationally too.


The love-hate relationship that India and Pakistan share is of global interest now. The boundaries they contest for and the wars they fought have been a history for both of them. Indian war heroes have earned golden words even in enemy’s books. Lion-hearted Major Narain Singh is one such son of Dogra soil whose name re-surfaced in the galleries of brave hearts when Pakistan appointed General Raheel Sharif Rana as the Chief of Army Staff, who happens to be the younger brother of Late Major Shabbir Sharif of 6FF. General Sharif’s appreciation of the Indian soldier’s bravery freshened up the memories of martyrdom in 1971 war. After Pakistan Army Chief General Raheel Sharif Rana tributes to Major Narayan Singh’s valour, Indian media did discuss his bravery but only very superficially and perfunctorily as a half-hearted ritual only, without a due ballad to the warrior on the occasion. However, showering of praises by the author from Pakistan is a true recognition of the courage and valour displayed by the officer who proved his mettle facing the enemy fearlessly with unfaltering, undaunted and unflinching courage at Beriwala Bridge Sector in 1971 Bartle Of Fazilka.


The Dogra brave-heart was born on 19th August, 1936 in Krimachi-Mansar village, some 14 KM North-west of Udhampur town to an army man Thakur Kartar Singh and Smt. Dhan Dei of Bhatyal Rajput clan. Being the eldest son of the family, he was lovingly called Kaku. The diligent boy completed his primary education from Krimachi, middle school from Udhampur and joined Army Boys Company from where began his career in Army. He was much disciplined and hard working besides being a very good artist. His leadership qualities made him distinguished, and earned good books of the senior officers of Army resulting in his getting commissioned in 4 JAT on 30th June, 1963. During the 1965 Indo-Pak war he was sent on deputation to Assam Rifles and was posted in North-East.


It was on 9th Feb., 1966 he got married to Smt. Urmila , a daughter of another Army family and the couple was blessed with a son in 1968.


During 1971, Major Narain Singh's unit 4 Jat got deployed in Fazilka on the western border in Punjab.

Fazilka town is testimony to one of the fiercest battles fought during 1971 Indo-Pak War ; its soil still sings the saga of Major Narain’s bravery. During 1971 in a surprise action, Pakistan made an attempt to capture Fazilka town. However, the grit, determination and courage shown by the brave Indian soldiers thwarted the enemy’s sinister designs and left him with a bleeding nose.


Fazilka, a prominent border town in Ferozepur district, Punjab, lies at the end of a rectangle formed by the international border with a corner resting on the Sulaimanke headworks in Pakistan. These headworks tap the remaining waters of the Sutlej, from where a complex of canals emanate from both side of the river and irrigate sandy tracts of Pakistan.
Defence of the headworks has always been one of the most important commitments of Pakistan’s military planners. Their proximity-1.5 kilometres or so from Indian territory made the area very vulnerable and largely influenced Pakistani concepts of its defence. Pakistan had no choice but to gain some cushion of depth by extending operations into Indian territory at the very outset. This was achieved in 1965 and was likely to be repeated in the next encounter, especially when the initiative for hostilities lay with Pakistan.

Since Pakistan had committed its strike force north of the Sutlej in the general area of Khemkaran in 1965, the importance of Fazilka was later reduced to a local level operation. In 1971, Fazilka assumed a special significance for Indian military planners because of the potential threat posed by Pakistan’s concentration of forces, comprising 1 Armoured Division and one or two infantry divisions opposite in the general area of Montgomery-Okara. This force could be employed to develop thrusts towards the sensitive Indian depth areas of Bhatinda-Faridkot either across the Sutlej between the Hussainiwala and Sulaimanke headworks, in the general areas of Mamdot and Jalalabad, or along the open southern flank in the Ganganagar-Sarupsar area. In either eventuality, Fazilka was an essential pivot at the juncture of two flanks for launching a counter-offensive against an invasion of Indian territory. 67 Infantry Brigade Group under Brig Surjit Singh Chowdhary, an infantry officer, was accordingly allocated for the defence of Fazilka. He was assigned the task of containing the Pakistani bridgehead at Sulaimanke and defending Fazilka at all costs. Chowdhary’s group was housed in improvized accommodation in the Fazilka-Mamdot complexes, and as it had trained in the area it may be assumed that it knew the parameters of the task involved and the local terrain quite well.
His resources comprised three infantry battalions, one field regiment and one medium battery by way of artillery support with connected administrative units. He was, in addition, allotted one independent armoured squadron of Sherman-75s from the Infantry School equipped with obsolete tanks of World War II vintage and of dubious mechanical reliability. To offset this disadvantage, another armoured squadron equipped with T-54 tanks was also placed under his command. Two battalions worth of the Border Security Force were holding BOPs along the border with about two companies in reserve in each case.

Pakistan had 105 Infantry Brigade Group deployed opposite Brig. Chowdhary in defence of the Sulaimanke headworks. Although military intelligence about detailed enemy dispositions was rather scanty, it could be safely assumed that leaving one battalion’s worth in close defence of the headworks the Pakistani commander would endeavour to develop thrusts towards Fazilka so as to extend his bridgehead, preferably from the headworks side. For this operation, he had the offensive potentiality of about two infantry battalions and a squadron or two of armour supported by artillery deployed on the Pakistan side of the Sutlej. In addition, one or two Ranger groups of paramilitary forces deployed on the border could also be employed to support this offensive. Fazilka was a vital communication centre from where road and rail arteries ran to Ferozepur, Malout and Abohar. If it fell into Pakistani hands this would offer options to develop various variables of thrust lines into Indian territory. It was imperative that in any defence plan the security of Fazilka should be assured at all costs.


There were four main approaches to Fazilka from Pakistan. Starting from the north, one from Muazzam running along the Shamsha nullah was the shortest, about six to eight kilometres long the second was along the main road from Sulaimanke to Fazilka with subsidiary parallel tracks, the third along the dismantled railway track from Amruka station, and the fourth from the south along the main Shitriwala-Fazilka track. The countryside was generally flat, with occasional sand dunes under cotton cultivation. The going on the whole was good for tracks and wheels except for the narrow strip near the creek running from BP 259 to Qabul Shah. As a result of the 1965 war experience, an anti-tank obstacle in the form of the Sabana distributary with attendant fortifications was constructed to cover all the approaches from Muazzam. Its alignment was parallel to the international boundary at a depth of about 4,500 to 5,400 metres. In addition, some strongpoints were developed ahead of the distributary to dominate the area between the border and the obstacle. These points were designed to hold out against tank rushes.

To use the Sabuna distributary and its fortifications, the defence of Fazilka had a forward poise on the distributary with three battalions deploying their own forward strongpoints dominate the territory between the border and the main defence line, and with adequate depth to contain any likely penetration of the distributary defences. Since the distributary ran parallel to the boundary, the strongpoints could be supported at the depth mentioned above from the main line of defence ease, and as such had considerable staying power. Infiltration with through the strongpoints could be contained at the ditch line and suitably dealt with in the conduct of battle. This was the original plan, which was changed to conform to higher directions just before the 1971 conflict.
As part of the overall concept of the XI Corps defence plan, Chowdhary was required to organize a fortress defence in the Fazilka sector. He organized the built-up area of Fazilka town into a fortress with about two battalions and put forward 3 Assam as a covering force along with 15 Rajput, less two companies, in the Shatriwala area with about one battalion’s worth of a composite BSF formation. 3 Assam was to man the strong points of Choriwala Chisti, Pakka and Qadir Bakh with one company each and Jhangar with a platoon. Choriwala Chisti and Pakka were developed into formidable company-defended localities with antitank moats and minefields of considerable depth. Battalion headquarters along with one company were to’ man the bridges along the Sulaimanke-Fazilka and Boriwala-Fazilka axes.

The Sherman squadron was deployed to cover the Muazzam approach, with early warning elements of about one platoon’s worth in Muazzam town itself. The T-54 squadron was split up, with the squadron less two troops near Fazilka town disposed southwards, and the two troops located in the Chananwala area. These plans were war-gamed and approved by the corps commander, Rawlley, and the GOC F Sector, Maj Gen Ram Singh. The brigade group moved to Fazilka on 9 October as part of the precautionary measures the Indian Army adopted against pre-emptive action on the part of Pakistan.
In the intermediate period from 9 October to the start of hostilities, Brig. Chowdhary developed his defences by strengthening obstacles, laying mines and similar activities. He was supposed to rehearse various contingencies of counterattacks for a defensive battle. He visited F Sector about 25 October and saw the preparation of bridges for demolition deep in their territory, so defence-oriented were theirr planning and preparations. 


Maj. Gen. Ram Singh discussed two of his offensive plans for the capture of the headworks. One envisaged a frontal armour assault along the restricted space between the bund and the Eastern Sidioya Canal funnelling towards the headworks from Pakka, and the other crossing the Sutlej upstream and developing a thrust towards the canal colony from the rear and thence to the headworks. For this contingency planning, he could muster no more than a couple of battalions and an assorted grouping of two to three squadrons of armour. Both these plans were contingent on Pakistan remaining dormant in other parts of the sector, but this could not be the case in view of the limited potions it had.
I told Ram Singh my views after the briefing. I felt both plans suffered from serious drawbacks. The first could perhaps work if the initiative was in Indian hands. But since hostilities were to start on Pakistani initiative it would have been suicidal to attempt such a move along the most obvious approach. The second plan involved crossing the river obstacle into uncharted country full of tall grass and then making a long detour in enemy territory.
This could perhaps work with a larger force than Maj. Gen. Ram Singh could muster, but in the context of the accepted defensive posture and the creation of this attacking force out of troops already utilized in defence it would have seriously weakened the sector, especially when the force across the river could not be expected to restore the lost balance by a timely movement to the sector to meet a counteroffensive from the southern flank.

As war broke out with Pakistan on the 3rd of December, 1971, the Pakistani army entered some 7 kilometers deep into Indian territory through the Sulemanki border. About 1820 hours on 3 December, Pakistan started systematic shelling of all the BSF posts. Although shell bursts could be heard at brigade headquarters, actual information about the areas shelled started coming in about 1830 hours. The war was on. After about half an hour the officer commanding 3 Assam reported Jhangar under attack. Brig. Chowdhary at once ordered his troops to pull back from the position, leaving behind marginal strength to maintain contact with the enemy.
About 1930 hours, he reported that the Beriwala bridge had been attacked, and soon after announced its occupation by the enemy. The defences had fallen rather rapidly as the bridge was held by an ad hoc platoon created with clerks and military transport drivers. The Sabuna distributary defences had been pierced by an ingenious infiltration attack, while our strong points at Pakka and Qadir Baksh were still holding. About 2030 hours, 3 Assam confirmed that the Pakistanis were occupying the distributary from the creek to about 250 yards south of the bridge.
As part of his contingency planning, Brig. Chowdhary ordered the T-54 squadron, less two troops and D Company 4 Jat, to counterattack immediately and throw back the enemy west of the distributary. The counterattack materialized about 2330 hours in between the distributary and the Sabuna drain from the southeast. Some tanks were bogged down between the start line and the objective while three were destroyed by grenades and medium artillery fire. The counterattack was only partly successful in that D Company 4 Jat managed to secure the area of the outfall where the distributary took off from the creek and the bund about 135 metres from there towards the bridge. By midnight, the situation at the bridgehead stabilized, with Pakistan holding approximately 135 metres north and 320 metres south of the bridge. About this time, one troop of T-54s was ordered to move from Pakka to Mandi Hazura Singh.


Since establishing a foothold in the area of the Beriwala bridge had opened the way to Fazilka, and no activity was reported south of Kerian, Maj. Gen. Chowdhary ordered 15 Rajput less two companies to move about 2030 hours to Fazilka and strengthen the fortress defences. The BSF element earlier located along with 15 Rajput were left at Shatriwala under its second in command. Reports of attacks on BSF posts trickled in throughout the night. Some of them were overrun and others were asked to pull back to depth localities on the creek and the distributary. About 2130 hours, some tank noise was heard developing from Dab Wali Sharaq towards Choriwala Chisti and appeared leading to the establishment of a roadblock along the Sulaimanke-Fazilka road. The strongpoint at Pakka was attacked about midnight, and the commander of 3 Assam, fearing his troops would be trapped by the block, ordered the strong points at Pakka, Choriwala Chisti and Qadir Baksh to withdraw to the distributary defences without giving fight. Since most of the troops came back, this proved that the roadblock was only imaginary. In fact, most of the casualties were caused by clashes between our withdrawing troops and those manning the distributary defences.
By the first light of 4 December, when the situation became clear, it transpired that 3 Assam was holding the distributary from approximately 320 metres south of the Beriwala bridge to Kerian with depleted strength as a large number of troops were still missing. All localities west of the distributary, including BSF BOPs, had fallen to the enemy with the exception of Muazzam and three in the Yusuf Bhami enclave. 15 Rajput, less one company, had by then taken over the defence of Fazilka town.

The adverse effect of the initial reverses now started telling on Chowdhary. He ordered the demolition of about 23 bridges along the main and village roads over the Sabuna distributary and the creek. This was done in the early hours of the morning. He ordered the withdrawal of D Company 4 Jat from contact with the Pakistani lodgment area near the Beriwala bridge and halfheartedly moved two platoons of infantry and a troop of Sherman tanks to cover the creek against infiltration. He also 4 Jat, less two companies, to counterattack and ordered eliminate the lodgment by the first light of 5 December.
4 Jat, with a squadron of T-54s less two troops, assaulted the lodgment area about 2130 hours on 4 December from the creek towards Gurmukha Hera village and the right shoulder. Although the village was captured in the first phase of the operation, the attack could not make further headway because-of strong resistance from Pakistani artillery and machine gun fire. The battalion suffered 14 killed, 21 wounded and eight missing in this attack.


Seen from Pakistan, the area around Fazilka is flat. But when Maj Shabbir Sharif, leading 6 Frontier Force’s Bravo company, strode up a hastily built observation tower around the middle of November 1971, he could see an Indian battalion position to be reached by the Beriwala bridge, 7 km inside Indian territory. He sent a Lieutenant forward with a section. They surprised the Indians and took the bridge intact.


That bridge would be returned only at the end of the war, but not before a dramatic shoot-out between Sharif himself and an Indian company commander, Narain Singh. The details of the encounter are still hazy, just like the dust it raised. But we will run with the popular version that even as Sharif shot Narain Singh, the Indian hurled a smoke grenade that seared the Pakistani. Singh was shot, and Sharif was burnt in the face. Singh was out of the battle, though whether he was killed instantly or died being transported to a hospital is vague. Sharif lived to fight another day. But just one more day. He was killed in action from machine gun fire from an Indian tank. An aside is merited here: Shabbir Sharif was awarded Pakistan’s highest wartime honour, the Nishan-e-Haider. Decades later, his brother Raheel Sharif Rana rose to be the army chief, now retired.



In His Citation :- Major Narain Singh, a company commander of 4 JAT was chosen to launch a counter attack a day later and recapture the key bridge which could be used by the Pakistani Army for a strong armor attack. (There was some enemy activity in the south near the Bandiwala bridge on the distributary, but nothing of consequence. The BOPs at Muazzam and north of it were withdrawn. The fortress was further strengthened by the induction of one field-company to compensate for pulling out the Jats for the counterattack.)


In daylight on 5 December, 4 Jat consolidated its hold on Gurmukha Hera and the drain, and to make up for its casualties one of its companies was moved in from Fazilka. On the night of 5/6 December, a determined attack was launched on the Beriwala bridge position by 4 Jat supported by two troops of T-54s and considerable artillery concentrations. 


Some leading elements under Maj Narayan Singh managed to reach the objectives and emboldened the battalion commander to give a success signal. But in the ensuing hand-to-hand clash Major Narayan Singh was killed In Action. Some assaulting elements clung to the foothold established on the right shoulder while the rest withdrew to the drain, having suffered heavy casualties.

In Pakistani folklore, it is one of the most talked about battles of 1971 war; one of the few operations glorified in an otherwise despondent time for the nation. It was the battle of Majors-one from each side, both hot-blooded Rajput and fierce-who wrestled for the control of a key bridge which finally ended in hand-to-hand combat. Major Shabbir Sharif, a company commander of the 6 Frontier Force who had already been decorated in the 1965 war, was asked to capture a bridge on the ditch-cum-bund(DCB) near the Indian town of Fazilka which he managed to do on December 3-4 by over running BSF positions on the border. The attack on Beriwala was a crucial Pakistani move on the western front in early December to divert Indian resources from the east where General Niazi’s men were facing a rout.



It was on the evening of 3rd December 1971 that the enemy ,disguised as civilians and under heavy shelling, infiltrated along with fleeing villages of Beriwala into Indian territory and captured Beriwala Bridge on Sabuna Ditch Cum Bundh (DCB). Pakistan attacked the Indian defense with approximately one infantry brigade of 2500 men and 28 tanks. Supported by heavy artillery fire, they captured village Pakka by the dawn of 4th Dec 1971. Thereafter the enemy headed towards Fazilka with tanks and heavy force. Their attacks however, were beaten back with heavy casualties. 4 JAT attacked valiantly from Gurumukhkhera village to prevent the enemy’s advancement further from Beriwala Bridge towards Fazilka. Fierce battle was fought for fourteen days to prevent the enemy from making any further gains. Both sides suffered very heavy losses in hand to hand fight around Beriwala Bridge.

Giving the Pakistani version of the fight, Fazal Muqeem writes: “That night in another counterattack, the Indian tanks closed up to two yards of 6 FF positions after having destroyed all the antitank guns in the area. They were only repulsed by artillery fire and 3.5 Energa grenades. During all these fiercely fought battles, Commander 6 FF, and particularly its B Company led by courageous Maj Shaber Sharif, rose to the extreme heights of bravery and skilful leadership.” Five 8 Cavalry tanks were bogged down here, and four of them were destroyed by enemy artillery and infantry antitank weapons. 4 Jat suffered 19 killed, including one officer, and 45 wounded.




Beriwala bridge stayed with Pakistan till ceasefire. In numerous counter attack attempts 3 Assam & 4 Jat lost a number of gallant soldiers. An estimated count of over 200 officers & jawans were cremated in a collective ceremony in village of Asafwala around 7 kms from Fazilka.This included the body of Major Narain Singh of 4 Jat Regiment who lost his life in the hands of Major Shabbir Sharif in a daring counter attack, The body of the gallant officer was returned with due respect and military honour by Pakistan.
Col (R) Vijay Singh then adjutant of 4 JAT had received the body of Major Narain Singh on 18 Dec 1971. An there is Anil Paba who recounted proudly that Pakistani side treated Maj Singh with respect. They picked up the unconscious Major and were taking him for treatment when he died.


Major Narain Singh was given the gallantry award, "Vir Chakra" for his outstanding courage, leadership and supreme sacrifice. Major Narain Singh is survived by his wife Smt Urmila Bhatiyal and son Dr Narinder Singh.

Later in battlefield Brigadier Chowdhary had compounded three counterattacks by 6 December without making any dent on the Pakistani lodgment. Two of his battalions, 3 Assam and 4 Jat, had suffered heavy casualties and were dispirited. The T-54 squadron, having lost several tanks, was reduced to only troop strength. Most Bops had fallen back. By destroying all the road and foot bridges over the distributary and the creek, Brig. Chowdhary had jeopardised himself and his troops and confined his action to the small area limited between the distributary and the Fazilka defences. The higher command began to cast doubts on Brig. Chowdhary’s ability to handle the battle. It was proposed that he should be deprived of his command, but it was ultimately decided to let him continue rather than demoralize the brigade further. But Maj Gen Ram Singh, the General Officer Commanding is charge, moved to the area accompanied by his artillery adviser, Brig G S Reen, and virtually took over the battle.

Later one POW Maj Majamil Warsi, revealed that Pakistan 105 Infantry Brigade Group, operationally responsible for the area, had no plans to take the Fazilka fortress or do anything else of the kind. Their task was confined to seizing such tactical ground as would improve their defensive posture as part of an offensive defence corps plan. This had been amply achieved for them by the Indian destruction of bridges over the Sabuna distributary, thereby resulting in self-surrender of our offensive capability.