Thursday, December 31, 2020

A MIRY SLOUGH WHICH LAY UNNOTICED IN THIER HEDGED UP THY.....

There's something about the unknown, the quite, the cold, something terrifying yet alluring...




Unconventional habits & ideas attract huge attention while the traditional ones are looked down upon.

The more unique perspective you have,

The more attention you have.

Before becoming an Attraction they are Highly Reprimanded.

Become a Pachyderm and Stay at Your course.



It all depends on how far you can aim long ago heard about a Mandarin who spent years fishing with a straight needle instead of a hook. People wondered and the story spread, reaching even the emperor, who came to look. “What do you expect to catch with this hook?”, he asked. The answer came serenely: “You, my emperor.”

This is the story of Jiang Tai Gong, a famous angler and military genius in Chinese history. He got the attention of the Count who eventually defeated the King. 

An angler could influence a nation, even for about 3,000 years. Do you believe it?


When talking about fishing in China, Jiang Tai Gong (also known as Jiang Ziya) is very likely to be the first name that would come to people’s mind. There are always fish willing to be caught by angler Jiang Taigong. Many people know this idiom. To no small extent, he may be rated as the most famous angler in Chinese history.


The story happened in the late years of the Shang dynasty. Jiang Tai Gong once served the king of Shang dynasty, and had come to resent him for tyranny from the bottom of heart.

Jiang Tai Gong was an genius in military tactics and government management. He lived near the Weihe River about 3, 000 years ago. The area was the feudal estate of Count Ji Chang. Jiang Tai Gong knew Ji Chang was very ambitious so he hoped to get Ji's attention. At that time, he was over 70 years old already!


He often went fishing at the Weishui River, but he would fish in an unusual way. He hung a straight fishhook,without bait, three feet above the water. He often said to himself, "Fish, if you don't want to live any more, come and swallow the hook yourself."

Lookers-on were curious about it, and Jiang Tai Gong explained, “I would like to take honestly rather than to plead for with the knees down.I fish not for the fish but for the nobility”. 


Later words traveled to Count Ji. He sent a soldier to fetch him. Jiang Tai Gong ignored the solider, going on with fishing, and was talking to himself, “Fishing, fishing, no fish has been hooked. A shrimp is up to mischief.” The soldier reported this back to Ji Chang, who became more interested in this man. Then, Count Ji sent an official to invite him. It didn’t work. He just carried on fishing, and was saying, “Fishing, fishing, the big fish has not been hooked. A small one is up to mischief.” Finally Ji Chang realized Jiang may be a genius, so he went to invite Jiang Tai Gong himself. Jiang saw his sincerity and honesty and finally decided to work for him.

In the end, Jiang Tai Gong helped Count Ji and his offspring build a great power, topple down Shang dynasty and establish Zhou dynasty---a great dynasty.


Actually, the legend of Jiang Tai Gong has different versions. It has been mentioned, discussed, explored and rewritten in countless books. There are films, drama, TV shows about him. And little boys or girls know folklore about him.

“There are always fish willing to be caught by angler Jiang Taigong.” Today, people use this old idiom to describe someone who willingly falls in a trap or does something regardless of the result. This idiom has been passed on from generation to generation. To some degree, it could be regarded as a part of Chinese philosophy. The image of Jiang Tai Gong fishing near the river is very classical. People still could find it in paintings, carvings, and poems.

Many lessons in the story: tactics, (indiv & social) psychology, patience & serendipitous timing


Never in our lives have we experienced such a global phenomenon. For the first time in the history of the world, all of humanity, informed by the unprecedented reach of digital technology, has come together, focused on the same existential threat, consumed by the same fears and uncertainties, eagerly anticipating the same, as yet unrealized, promises of medical science.


In a single season, civilization has been brought low by a microscopic parasite 10,000 times smaller than a grain of salt. COVID-19 attacks our physical bodies, but also the cultural foundations of our lives, the toolbox of community and connectivity that is for the human what claws and teeth represent to the tiger.

Our interventions to date have largely focused on mitigating the rate of spread, flattening the curve of morbidity. There is no treatment at hand, and no certainty of a vaccine on the near horizon. The fastest vaccine ever developed was for mumps. It took four years. COVID-19 killed 100,000 Americans in four months. There is some evidence that natural infection may not imply immunity, leaving some to question how effective a vaccine will be, even assuming one can be found. And it must be safe. If the global population is to be immunized, lethal complications in just one person in a thousand would imply the death of millions. Pandemics and plagues have a way of shifting the course of history, and not always in a manner immediately evident to the survivors. In the 14th Century, the Black Death killed close to half of Europe’s population. A scarcity of labor led to increased wages. Rising expectations culminated in the Peasants Revolt of 1381, an inflection point that marked the beginning of the end of the feudal order that had dominated medieval Europe for a thousand years.


The COVID pandemic will be remembered as such a moment in history, a seminal event whose significance will unfold only in the wake of the crisis. It will mark this era much as the 1914 assassination of Archduke Ferdinand, the stock market crash of 1929, and the 1933 ascent of Adolf Hitler became fundamental benchmarks of the last century, all harbingers of greater and more consequential outcomes. COVID’s historic significance lies not in what it implies for our daily lives. Change, after all, is the one constant when it comes to culture. All peoples in all places at all times are always dancing with new possibilities for life. As companies eliminate or downsize central offices, employees work from home, restaurants close, shopping malls shutter, streaming brings entertainment and sporting events into the home, and airline travel becomes ever more problematic and miserable, people will adapt, as we’ve always done. Fluidity of memory and a capacity to forget is perhaps the most haunting trait of our species. As history confirms, it allows us to come to terms with any degree of social, moral, or environmental degradation.

To be sure, financial uncertainty will cast a long shadow. Hovering over the global economy for some time will be the sober realization that all the money in the hands of all the nations on Earth will never be enough to offset the losses sustained when an entire world ceases to function, with workers and businesses everywhere facing a choice between economic and biological survival.


Unsettling as these transitions and circumstances will be, short of a complete economic collapse, none stands out as a turning point in history. But what surely does is the absolutely devastating impact that the pandemic has had on the reputation and international standing of the United States of America.

In a dark season of pestilence, COVID has reduced to tatters the illusion of American exceptionalism. At the height of the crisis, with more than 2,000 dying each day, Americans found themselves members of a failed state, ruled by a dysfunctional and incompetent government largely responsible for death rates that added a tragic coda to America’s claim to supremacy in the world.


For the first time, the international community felt compelled to send disaster relief to Washington. For more than two centuries, reported the Irish Times, “the United States has stirred a very wide range of feelings in the rest of the world: love and hatred, fear and hope, envy and contempt, awe and anger. But there is one emotion that has never been directed towards the U.S. until now: pity.” As American doctors and nurses eagerly awaited emergency airlifts of basic supplies from China, the hinge of history opened to the Asian century.

No empire long endures, even if few anticipate their demise. Every kingdom is born to die. The 15th century belonged to the Portuguese, the 16th to Spain, 17th to the Dutch. France dominated the 18th and Britain the 19th. Bled white and left bankrupt by the Great War, the British maintained a pretense of domination as late as 1935, when the empire reached its greatest geographical extent. By then, of course, the torch had long passed into the hands of America.

In 1940, with Europe already ablaze, the United States had a smaller army than either Portugal or Bulgaria. Within four years, 18 million men and women would serve in uniform, with millions more working double shifts in mines and factories that made America, as President Roosevelt promised, the arsenal of democracy.

When the Japanese within six weeks of Pearl Harbor took control of 90 percent of the world’s rubber supply, the U.S. dropped the speed limit to 35 mph to protect tires, and then, in three years, invented from scratch a synthetic-rubber industry that allowed Allied armies to roll over the Nazis. At its peak, Henry Ford’s Willow Run Plant produced a B-24 Liberator every two hours, around the clock. Shipyards in Long Beach and Sausalito spat out Liberty ships at a rate of two a day for four years; the record was a ship built in four days, 15 hours and 29 minutes. A single American factory, Chrysler’s Detroit Arsenal, built more tanks than the whole of the Third Reich.

In the wake of the war, with Europe and Japan in ashes, the United States with but 6 percent of the world’s population accounted for half of the global economy, including the production of 93 percent of all automobiles. Such economic dominance birthed a vibrant middle class, a trade union movement that allowed a single breadwinner with limited education to own a home and a car, support a family, and send his kids to good schools. It was not by any means a perfect world but affluence allowed for a truce between capital and labor, a reciprocity of opportunity in a time of rapid growth and declining income inequality, marked by high tax rates for the wealthy, who were by no means the only beneficiaries of a golden age of American capitalism.


But freedom and affluence came with a price. The United States, virtually a demilitarized nation on the eve of the Second World War, never stood down in the wake of victory. To this day, American troops are deployed in 150 countries. Since the 1970s, China has not once gone to war; the U.S. has not spent a day at peace. President Jimmy Carter recently noted that in its 242-year history, America has enjoyed only 16 years of peace, making it, as he wrote, “the most warlike nation in the history of the world.” Since 2001, the U.S. has spent over $6 trillion on military operations and war, money that might have been invested in the infrastructure of home. China, meanwhile, built its nation, pouring more cement every three years than America did in the entire 20th century.

As America policed the world, the violence came home. On D-Day, June 6th, 1944, the Allied death toll was 4,414; in 2019, domestic gun violence had killed that many American men and women by the end of April. By June of that year, guns in the hands of ordinary Americans had caused more casualties than the Allies suffered in Normandy in the first month of a campaign that consumed the military strength of five nations.

More than any other country, the United States in the post-war era lionized the individual at the expense of community and family. It was the sociological equivalent of splitting the atom. What was gained in terms of mobility and personal freedom came at the expense of common purpose. In wide swaths of America, the family as an institution lost its grounding. By the 1960s, 40 percent of marriages were ending in divorce. Only six percent of American homes had grandparents living beneath the same roof as grandchildren; elders were abandoned to retirement homes.

With slogans like “24/7” celebrating complete dedication to the workplace, men and women exhausted themselves in jobs that only reinforced their isolation from their families. The average American father spends less than 20 minutes a day in direct communication with his child. By the time a youth reaches 18, he or she will have spent fully two years watching television or staring at a laptop screen, contributing to an obesity epidemic that the Joint Chiefs have called a national security crisis.

Firestone Tire & Rubber Co. in Akron, Ohio on April 3rd, 1944. When the Japanese within six weeks of Pearl Harbor took control of 90 percent of the world’s rubber supply, the U.S. dropped the speed limit to 35 mph to protect tires, and then, in three years, invented from scratch a synthetic-rubber industry.

Only half of Americans report having meaningful, face-to-face social interactions on a daily basis. The nation consumes two-thirds of the world’s production of antidepressant drugs. The collapse of the working-class family has been responsible in part for an opioid crisis that has displaced car accidents as the leading cause of death for Americans under 50.

At the root of this transformation and decline lies an ever-widening chasm between Americans who have and those who have little or nothing. Economic disparities exist in all nations, creating a tension that can be as disruptive as the inequities are unjust. In any number of settings, however, the negative forces tearing apart a society are mitigated or even muted if there are other elements that reinforce social solidarity — religious faith, the strength and comfort of family, the pride of tradition, fidelity to the land, a spirit of place.

But when all the old certainties are shown to be lies, when the promise of a good life for a working family is shattered as factories close and corporate leaders, growing wealthier by the day, ship jobs abroad, the social contract is irrevocably broken. For two generations, America has celebrated globalization with iconic intensity, when, as any working man or woman can see, it’s nothing more than capital on the prowl in search of ever cheaper sources of labor.

For many years, those on the conservative right in the United States have invoked a nostalgia for the 1950s, and an America that never was, but has to be presumed to have existed to rationalize their sense of loss and abandonment, their fear of change, their bitter resentments and lingering contempt for the social movements of the 1960s, a time of new aspirations for women, gays, and people of color. In truth, at least in economic terms, the country of the 1950s resembled Denmark as much as the America of today. Marginal tax rates for the wealthy were 90 percent. The salaries of CEOs were, on average, just 20 times that of their mid-management employees.


Today, the base pay of those at the top is commonly 400 times that of their salaried staff, with many earning orders of magnitude more in stock options and perks. The elite one percent of Americans control $30 trillion of assets, while the bottom half have more debt than assets. The three richest Americans have more money than the poorest 160 million of their countrymen. Fully a fifth of American households have zero or negative net worth, a figure that rises to 37 percent for black families. The median wealth of black households is a tenth that of whites. The vast majority of Americans — white, black, and brown — are two paychecks removed from bankruptcy. Though living in a nation that celebrates itself as the wealthiest in history, most Americans live on a high wire, with no safety net to brace a fall.

With the COVID crisis, 40 million Americans lost their jobs, and 3.3 million businesses shut down, including 41 percent of all black-owned enterprises. Black Americans, who significantly outnumber whites in federal prisons despite being but 13 percent of the population, are suffering shockingly high rates of morbidity and mortality, dying at nearly three times the rate of white Americans. The cardinal rule of American social policy — don’t let any ethnic group get below the blacks, or allow anyone to suffer more indignities — rang true even in a pandemic, as if the virus was taking its cues from American history.

COVID-19 didn’t lay America low; it simply revealed what had long been forsaken. As the crisis unfolded, with another American dying every minute of every day, a country that once turned out fighter planes by the hour could not manage to produce the paper masks or cotton swabs essential for tracking the disease. The nation that defeated smallpox and polio, and led the world for generations in medical innovation and discovery, was reduced to a laughing stock as a buffoon of a president advocated the use of household disinfectants as a treatment for a disease that intellectually he could not begin to understand.

As a number of countries moved expeditiously to contain the virus, the United States stumbled along in denial, as if willfully blind. With less than four percent of the global population, the U.S. soon accounted for more than a fifth of COVID deaths. The percentage of American victims of the disease who died was six times the global average. Achieving the world’s highest rate of morbidity and mortality provoked not shame, but only further lies, scapegoating, and boasts of miracle cures as dubious as the claims of a carnival barker, a grifter on the make.

As the United States responded to the crisis like a corrupt tin pot dictatorship, the actual tin pot dictators of the world took the opportunity to seize the high ground, relishing a rare sense of moral superiority, especially in the wake of the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. The autocratic leader of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov, chastised America for “maliciously violating ordinary citizens’ rights.” North Korean newspapers objected to “police brutality” in America. Quoted in the Iranian press, Ayatollah Khamenei gloated, “America has begun the process of its own destruction.”


Trump’s performance and America’s crisis deflected attention from China’s own mishandling of the initial outbreak in Wuhan, not to mention its move to crush democracy in Hong Kong. When an American official raised the issue of human rights on Twitter, China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson, invoking the killing of George Floyd, responded with one short phrase, “I can’t breathe.”

These politically motivated remarks may be easy to dismiss. But Americans have not done themselves any favors. Their political process made possible the ascendancy to the highest office in the land a national disgrace, a demagogue as morally and ethically compromised as a person can be. As a British writer quipped, “there have always been stupid people in the world, and plenty of nasty people too. But rarely has stupidity been so nasty, or nastiness so stupid”.

The American president lives to cultivate resentments, demonize his opponents, validate hatred. His main tool of governance is the lie; as of July 9th, 2020, the documented tally of his distortions and false statements numbered 20,055. If America’s first president, George Washington, famously could not tell a lie, the current one can’t recognize the truth. Inverting the words and sentiments of Abraham Lincoln, this dark troll of a man celebrates malice for all, and charity for none.


Odious as he may be, Trump is less the cause of America’s decline than a product of its descent. As they stare into the mirror and perceive only the myth of their exceptionalism, Americans remain almost bizarrely incapable of seeing what has actually become of their country. The republic that defined the free flow of information as the life blood of democracy, today ranks 45th among nations when it comes to press freedom. In a land that once welcomed the huddled masses of the world, more people today favor building a wall along the southern border than supporting health care and protection for the undocumented mothers and children arriving in desperation at its doors. In a complete abandonment of the collective good, U.S. laws define freedom as an individual’s inalienable right to own a personal arsenal of weaponry, a natural entitlement that trumps even the safety of children; in the past decade alone 346 American students and teachers have been shot on school grounds.

The American cult of the individual denies not just community but the very idea of society. No one owes anything to anyone. All must be prepared to fight for everything: education, shelter, food, medical care. What every prosperous and successful democracy deems to be fundamental rights — universal health care, equal access to quality public education, a social safety net for the weak, elderly, and infirmed — America dismisses as socialist indulgences, as if so many signs of weakness.


How can the rest of the world expect America to lead on global threats — climate change, the extinction crisis, pandemics — when the country no longer has a sense of benign purpose, or collective well-being, even within its own national community? Flag-wrapped patriotism is no substitute for compassion; anger and hostility no match for love. Those who flock to beaches, bars, and political rallies, putting their fellow citizens at risk, are not exercising freedom; they are displaying, as one commentator has noted, the weakness of a people who lack both the stoicism to endure the pandemic and the fortitude to defeat it. 

It is like when asked what he thought of Western civilization, Mahatma Gandhi famously replied, “I think that would be a good idea.” Such a remark may seem cruel, but it accurately reflects the view of America today as seen from the perspective of any modern social democracy. Canada performed well during the COVID crisis because of thier social contract, the bonds of community, the trust for each other and thier institutions, their health care system in particular, with hospitals that cater to the medical needs of the collective, not the individual, and certainly not the private investor who views every hospital bed as if a rental property. The measure of wealth in a civilized nation is not the currency accumulated by the lucky few, but rather the strength and resonance of social relations and the bonds of reciprocity that connect all people in common purpose.

This has nothing to do with political ideology, and everything to do with the quality of life. Finns live longer and are less likely to die in childhood or in giving birth than Americans. Danes earn roughly the same after-tax income as Americans, while working 20 percent less. They pay in taxes an extra 19 cents for every dollar earned. But in return they get free health care, free education from pre-school through university, and the opportunity to prosper in a thriving free-market economy with dramatically lower levels of poverty, homelessness, crime, and inequality. The average worker is paid better, treated more respectfully, and rewarded with life insurance, pension plans, maternity leave, and six weeks of paid vacation a year. All of these benefits only inspire Danes to work harder, with fully 80 percent of men and women aged 16 to 64 engaged in the labor force, a figure far higher than that of the United States.

American politicians dismiss the Scandinavian model as creeping socialism, communism lite, something that would never work in the United States. In truth, social democracies are successful precisely because they foment dynamic capitalist economies that just happen to benefit every tier of society. That social democracy will never take hold in the United States may well be true, but, if so, it is a stunning indictment, and just what Oscar Wilde had in mind when he quipped that the United States was the only country to go from barbarism to decadence without passing through civilization.


Evidence of such terminal decadence is the choice that so many Americans made in 2016 to prioritize their personal indignations, placing their own resentments above any concerns for the fate of the country and the world, as they rushed to elect a man whose only credential for the job was his willingness to give voice to their hatreds, validate their anger, and target their enemies, real or imagined. One shudders to think of what it will mean to the world if Americans in November, knowing all that they do, elect to keep such a man in political power. But even should Trump be resoundingly defeated, it’s not at all clear that such a profoundly polarized nation will be able to find a way forward. For better or for worse, America has had its time.

The end of the American era and the passing of the torch to Asia is no occasion for celebration, no time to gloat. In a moment of international peril, when humanity might well have entered a dark age beyond all conceivable horrors, the industrial might of the United States, together with the blood of ordinary Russian soldiers, literally saved the world. American ideals, as celebrated by Madison and Monroe, Lincoln, Roosevelt, and Kennedy, at one time inspired and gave hope to millions.


If and when the Chinese are ascendant, with their concentration camps for the Uighurs, the ruthless reach of their military, their 200 million surveillance cameras watching every move and gesture of their people, we will surely long for the best years of the American century. For the moment, we have only the kleptocracy of Donald Trump. Between praising the Chinese for their treatment of the Uighurs, describing their internment and torture as “exactly the right thing to do,” and his dispensing of medical advice concerning the therapeutic use of chemical disinfectants, Trump blithely remarked, “One day, it’s like a miracle, it will disappear.” He had in mind, of course, the coronavirus, but, as others have said, he might just as well have been referring to the American dream.


As a indian all we can hope, 2020 will also be remembered as the year we got our heroes right. Move over athletes and celebrities. 

Doctors, nurses, teachers,....... are the lifeblood in this difficult year for all of us is soon over. Time to say one more time thank you to the true heroes of 2020. Thank you to all frontline workers, carers - to all nurses and doctors for helping and caring for the elderly and the vulnerable people




































Monday, December 21, 2020

THE SO CALLED, "RAJPUT TORMENT OF ODIA HINDUS", THAT NEVER WAS......

Beneath its shade to vagrant thought resigned;

While zephyr's wing, dipped in violet's dew


During the medieval age, especially prior to the 'Mughal Invasion', Orissa was ruled by Karrani Afghans, who had replaced Mukund Deva, a Gajapati ruler of Telugu Eastern Chalukya origin, and sent Kalapahad to destroy not just the Jagannath Temple but also the Konark Sun Temple.
Mukunda Deva or Mukunda Harichandana's claim of origin from Eastern Chalukyas comes from Madala Panji, and hence should be taken with a pinch of salt, but regardless the text provides us with valuable information regarding affairs associated with the Puri Jagannath Temple.
Mukunda Deva was the governor of the region under Chakrapratap of the Bhoi Dynasty, and had assumed power by installing Chakrapratap's youngest son, Raghuram Jena. He later assassinated the puppet king Raghuram to assume power for himself.
Mukunda Deva took the reins in 1559 AD, and immediately came in conflict with the Bengal Sultan, the Afghan Suleiman Karrani primarily for two reasons.

1. He gave refuge to Ibrahim Khan Sur, Karrani's enemy and gave him lands, he also refused to hand over Sur when Karrani asked.
2. Secondly Mukund Deva, in 1566 AD, due to the presence of both Golkonda and Bengal Sultanates on either side sent his ambassador Paramananda Ray to the court of Mughal Emperor Akbar, in trying to forge an alliance with the Mughals against Orissa's mightier neighbors.
In late 1567, Akbar would attack Mewar and remain engaged in the Siege of Chittorgarh alone till early 1568, engaging the bulk of his forces there.

This gave an opening to Karranis who attacked Orissa, for which Mukunda Deva was completely unprepared, politically and militarily.

He sent two generals Chhotray and Raghubhanja to fight the Karrani forces, but instead they turned on Mukund Deva, who had to flee and take shelter in the fort of Kotsama. Even there, his nobles were divided. A battle ensued within the fort itself and Mukund Deva was killed.
Thus the 'Most Powerful Odia Hindu Gajapati Empire' fell easy prey to the Bengal Sultanate of the Karrani Afghans, who wrecked havoc and destroyed a multitude of temples across Orissa, including the Jagannath Temple, and the Konark Sun Temple. Here Kalapahad was instrumental.

NOTE: Folk histories of the region however give a different account of the nature of Mukunda Deva's death. They say he fought valiantly in Gohira Tikri near Jajpur and was defeated and killed.
By late 1568, Orissa was under absolute Karrani rule. Earlier, Mukund Deva was in the process of joining the Mughal Empire and the Afghan invasion of Orissa brought the relations between Delhi's Mughal Sultanate and Bengal's Karrani Afghan Sultanate to a breaking point.
In 1572 AD, Suleiman Karrani died, and soon after his son and heir Bayezid was assassinated. Suleiman also, in 1565 AD had submitted to Emperor Akbar and without him or his son, the Afghan nobles decided they will break away and rebel against the Mughal Empire.

Two days after Bayezid's assassination by his brother-in-law Hansu, Daud Khan Karrani, Bayezid's brother marched against Hansu, defeated and killed him. As per Riyaz-us-Salatin, Daud was young, impulsive, impressionable and disproportionately inclined towards carnal pursuits.
His reign was marked by many depositions and demotions of Afghan nobles of the Karrani court, destabilizing Bengal Sultanate. Seeing the developments in Bengal, Akbar with generals like Raja Todar Mal advanced east, and on March 3, 1575, it culminated in the Battle of Tukaroi.

It's important to add here that Akbar led the Mughal forces till January 18, 1575 and returned to his capital after appointing Munim Khan as the Governor of Bengal. The leftover of his campaign to deal with the rebellious Bengal Sultan was left to Raja Todar Mal and he succeeded.
The Battle of Tukaroi led to the Treaty of Katak, where Daud Khan Karrani ceded all of his territories to the Mughal Empire, save for Orissa, which he still retained. Bengal's Mughal Governor Munim Khan however died soon after at the age of 80, creating an opening for Daud Khan.
Daud Khan Karrani, feeling adventurous at the death of the Mughal Bengal Governor attacked Bengal leading to the Battle of Rajmahal on July 12, 1576, not surprisingly ending in Mughal Victory.

BENGAL (WITH ORISSA AS ITS PART) WAS NOW A PROPER MUGHAL SUBAH
Raja Todar Mal was governing the affairs of Bengal, including Orissa, however after his departure to Delhi in 1582, it went down south again.

Led by Qutlu Khan Lohani, who previously helped Hansu to kill Bayezid, and then helped Daud to kill Hansu, the Afghans rose in rebellion.
Qutlu Khan Lohani marched into Orissa and defeated the Gajapati chief of Khurda Ramachandra Deva and occupied Puri. Ramachandra sought help from his masters the Mughals, against Lohani, and offered great presents to the Mughal officials who were already in pursuit of Lohani.
Not only the local officials in Bengal, but Ramachandra Deva sent his nephew with sixty noted elephants laden with presents to Emperor Akbar, to help him against Qutlu Khan Lohani.

Lohani eventually left Puri, fled to Dharampur and eventually submitted to the Mughals.
On June 11, 1584, Qutlu Khan was made to leave Bengal and given a jagir in Orissa instead. But as habit would have it, taking advantage of the Mughal administration's liberality, the Afghan again started creating trouble for the Empire.

And now enter the Rajputs into Orissa.
The great state of affairs, as we saw were being handled immaculately by the super-strong and able Complan drinking Gajapatis of Orissa including those of Khurda were now about to reach rock bottom due to the Dark Ages brought by the Evil Rajput Incarnate Maharaja Man Singh of Amber.
(For those Odias who lost the last of their brain cells in the last cyclone that hit them with sarcasm)

Local Hindus pleaded the Mughal Emperor to do something about the Afghans and Maharaja Man Singh who was in Bihar in 1590, now had to go to Orissa to save them.

MahaRaja Man Singh Kachchawa was a well known devotee of Lord Krishna and Vishnu. He had a seven storey temple constructed in Vrindavan dedicated to Lord Krishna for Srila Rupa Goswami, a Gaudiya Vaishnavite saint. The cost of construction was one crore at that time. He was also the first amongst the Hindus in JalaludinAkbar's court to downright reject converting to Akbar's new religion Din-e-Illahi. He was also a patron of Goswami Tulsidas, author of Ramcharitramanas and made his son, Jagat Singh l his disciple. 

So, it was no surprise that when he arrived in Bengal, he was keen to get rid of Afghan occupation of Orrisa and Puri Jagannath temple in particular which was under the control of Afghan Sultan Qutlu Khan Lohani and his son Nasir Khan Lohani supported by few local Hindu kingdoms in southern Orrisa. 

The effect of Maharaja Man Singh was such that as soon as he entered Orissa, Qutlu Khan died 'unexpectedly', and was now replaced by his son Nasir Khan Lohani.

But in reality it was In 1590 AD Maharaja Man Singh first sent a small army led by his son Jagat Singh l which was pre-emptively ambushed by Afghans under Qutlu Khan. In the bloody fight that ensued, many Amer Nobles got martyred for the cause of Lord Jagganath like Bika Rathore, Mahesh Das and Naru Charan while Qutlu Khan was mortally injured and died ten days later.

On hearing the news of the deaths of his noble commanders, the enraged Man Singh started for Puri at once with a huge army. 

On hearing the news of the dreaded Man Singh approaching Puri and knowing full well of his earlier exploits against Afghans in Afghanistan, Nasir Khan Lohani who now was the new Sultan of Orrisa readily surrendered entire Northern Orrisa, gave a tribute of 150 elephants and ceded Jagannath Mandir to Man Singh's control.

Nasir was again inexperienced, that diminished his chances of succeeding against Maharaja Man Singh to zilch. He sued for peace.
When Nasir Khan submitted to Maharaja Man Singh, three terms were made.

1. The Mughal Emperor's name should be used on the Khutba and the coins of Orissa.

2. The Afghan ruler of Orissa remain loyal to the Empire.

3. The Jagannath Temple be handed over by the Afghans to the Empire.

The treaty was made on August 15, 1590, and the Hindus were so pleased with the arrival of Maharaja Man Singh and diffusion of the Afghan problem that counting together the presented as gifts and surrendered ones, 1004 elephants were acquired by Man Singh into the Empire's service.
Even the terms of surrender of the Jagannath Temple, made the switch of its ownership from Afghans to Hindu Rajputs. 

Maharaja Man Singh not only acquired the temple, but also repaired and expanded it from its previous damaged condition. The temple as we see today was built by him. This is where the gripe of the Gajapatis of Khurda, under Ramachandra Deva begins against Rajputs. Raja Ramachandra wanted to have the temple to himself, and be appointed the Raja of Orissa, despite repeatedly and humiliatingly losing both the Jagannath Temple, and Orissa to Afghans.
As soon as Nasir Khan Lohani's waqil and regent, Khwaja Isa died, the Afghans rose again and in the absence of Maharaja Man Singh's protection, captured Puri and the Jagannath Temple for the n'th time. During these events, the Raja of Khurda was suspiciously inert, raising suspicion.

In 1592 AD, the Afghans again revolted under the leadership of Isa Khan with support of Hindu Oriya kings in southern Orrisa. Man Singh at this point had had enough of Afghans and decided to exterminate them this time rather than pardoning them. So the two armies on 9th April 1592 AD met near Jaleswar city, where Afghans were brutally massacred, remaining of which fled to Eastern Bengal. 


On April 10, 1592, this time with an unforgiving intent, Maharaja Man Singh marched on the Afghans, who not only lost Puri, the Jagannath Temple, and their acquired territories, but also lost their capital of Sarangarh and its fort.

Nasir Khan fled to Bengal and joined Isa Khan.
Nasir Khan Lohani in 1593, flees to Bengal, joins, and forms an alliance with the great Bhuiyans of Bengali folklore, led by their leader Isa Khan - a Bais Rajput from Awadh.

Man Singh then started for Southern orrisa to subdue the local Hindu Oriya kings who had supported the Afghans earlier, the strongest of whom was Raja of Khurda. One by one all the Rajas were crushed under the might of Man Singh. 

But that's a different historical arc, albeit a connected, and an interesting one.
The inaction of Ramachandra of Khurda, irked Maharaja Man Singh, and he moved to Puri, to visit both the Jagannath Temple and Ramachandra to seek explanation for his involvement with the Afghans.

Ramachandra instead prepared a defensive garrison at Khurda and insulted Maharaja Man Singh.
In retaliation to his previous violations, Raja Man Singh laid siege on Khurda, and panicking Ramachandra Deva asked for help from Emperor Akbar who instead made Maharaja Man Singh return from Khurda. But not before the Oriya Raja of Khurda was the last to submit to Man Singh. The Raja of Khurda swore allegiance to Man Singh and offered his daughter in marriage, whom Man Singh happily married. The Oriya princess would be his 4th wife after the other two Rajput queens and Bibi Mubarak (Akbar's niece) that he had previously married. It was only poetic that Lord Jagannath would reward his humble servant with a new wife for his services.


Later however, Ramchandra did come and pay respects to Maharaja Man Singh.
In 1592, in a treaty between local chiefs and Maharaja Man Singh, Orissa was divided and reorganized into two regions, the Coastal Region (called Mughalbandi) under direct control of the Empire, and the Hill Tracts ruled by semi autonomous local chiefs.

Maharaja Man Singh wrested the temple of Jagannath at Puri from occupying Afghans. Having vaquished the Afghans, he washed his blood-stained sword in the water of the sea at Puri. Raja Man Singh constructed a temple for the main deity of Jagannath. He was a great devotee of Hinduism. Khurda again was part of that treaty and Ramachandra, to his contentment, became the Raja of a large state of about 35000 sq km. He for the remainder of his life, stuck with the Mughal Empire loyally and refrained from any act of defiance or aggression whatsoever.
In 1592, Orissa was absorbed into the Bengal Subah and Maharaja Man Singh ruled the region directly along with the rest of Bengal till 1598 with his grandson Maha Singh (b. 1585) as his deputy, who would later take the full charge of his grandfather's role from 1598 till 1605.
In 1598 Maharaja Man Singh had gone to Agra to visit Emperor Akbar. Seeing the opportunity, the Afghans made one last effort to take Bengal and Orissa, collected a large force at Bhadrak and managed to defeat the reduced imperial forces under Maha Singh, who was then 12 years of age.
This final foray led by Usman Khan, nephew of Qutlu Khan Lohani however was all for naught, as Raja Man Singh returned later that year to destroy the Afghan menace once and for all. Under Kachhwaha rule, peace came to Orissa and Holy Jagannath Dham became a hub of national pilgrimage.

Fast Forward to 1605 - On 27th October, Emperor Akbar dies, and in comes Emperor Jehangir, with his new administration, and new administrative policies.

Orissa was created into a separate Subah from Bengal with Hashim Khan appointed as the Subahdar on September 26, 1607.

Thus, the campaign of Orrisa ended. Jagannath Puri Mandir was once again in Hindu control and Afghan presence wiped out from the Oriya lands. Man Singh Ruled over these lands for quite some time (16 years) before leaving Lord Jagannath's abode, returning home to Amer.

Two years later, in 1609, Ramachandra Deva is succeeded by his son Purushottam Deva.

Apparently this is the same year when Purushottam Deva battles against Raja Kesho Das Maru, who makes his garrison in the Jagannath Temple, upon which Purushottam Deva lays siege on the temple.
However, the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri claims that he was deployed on the Emperor's orders, after a complain was recieved against the then Governor of Orissa, Hashim Khan.

To corroborate this, Hashim Khan is also transferred to Kashmir soon after in 1611.

There is no mention of Khurda.
We also know as per the treaty agreed to by Purushottam Deva's father Ramachandra Deva, Puri and the Jagannath Temple were not part of his domain.

The whole story of his siege on the temple seems to be a folk story, not grounded in history.
That he may have disciplined Purushottam Deva after laying siege on Khurda however, seems more plausible.

Perhaps the ineptness of Hashim Khan the Subahdar of Orissa and regime change in both Orissa and Delhi would have allowed him to see prospects in territorial adventurism.
Perhaps the humiliation of defeat after ill planned misadventures have planted these inspired stories. If you agree that Puri was ceded to the Mughals in Akbar's era then what was Purushottam doing there just 4 years after Akbar's death and 1st year of his own ascension.
Kesho Das even if one takes their account, when taking historical references actually protected the temple and the holy city of Puri from Purushottam Deva of Khurda who had opportunistically and treacherously breached his own father's treaty. What was he thinking?
We think here we should rest our case here. The Rajputs protected and nurtured Orissa and its Hinduism whereas the rulers of Khurda allied out of pure unprovoked spite and greed with those Afghans who destroyed the Jagannath Temple, the Konark Sun Temple and many more. Rest importance of history is not about Maharaja Man Singh here, but the historical identity of the Afghanistanis reaching Puri is most important. This is where ancient geographical note on Odishan history should focus.


A FOLK TALE OF FEISTY WARRIOR TEELU RAUTELI - IMMORTAL RAJPUTS


“धन धन छै तु गढ़ की नारी

जै जै हवेली तेरी तीलू रौतेली


उत्तराखंड बहुत से वीर-वीरागनाओं की प्रसूता भूमि रही हैं। जिन्होंने अपने अदम्य शौर्य का परिचय देकर अपना नाम इतिहास में सुनहरे अक्षरों में दर्ज कराया हैं। ऐसी ही एक महान वीरागना का नाम हैं तीलू रौतेली। जिनके नाम पर प्रदेश में प्रतिवर्ष कुछ महिलाओं को पुरस्कृत भी किया जाता हैं। प्रतिवर्ष आठ अगस्त को इनका जन्मदिवस मनाया भी जाता हैं। तीलू रौतेली एक ऐसा नाम हैं जो रानी दुर्गावती, चांदबीबी, जियारानी, लक्ष्मीबाई जैसी पराक्रमी महिलाओं में अपना एक उल्लेखनीय स्थान रखती हैं। १५ से २२ वर्ष की आयु में ७ वर्ष तक लगातार युद्ध लड़ते हुए वीरांगना तीलू रौतेली ने खैरागढ, टिकोलीखाल, उमटागढ़ी, सल्ट महादेव, भिलण भौण, ज्युन्दालु, चौखुटिया, सराईखेत, कालिंका खाल आदि स्थानों के युद्ध जीतकर इतिहास के स्वर्णाक्षरों में अपना नाम अंकित कर दिया ।

उनका मूल नाम तिलोत्तमा देवी था। इनका जन्म ८ अगस्त १६६१ को ग्राम गुराड़, चौंदकोट (गढ़वाल) के भूप सिंह (गोर्ला)रावत राजपूत तथा मैणावती रानी के घर में हुआ। तीलू के दो भाई भगतु और पत्वा थे।

उस समय गढ़वाल में पृथ्वीशाह का राज था। कैंत्यूरी राजा धाम शाही की सेना के साथ तीलू रौतेली ने युद्ध किया था ।इसी धाम शाही ने गढ़वाल के राजा मानशाह पर आक्रमण किया था जिसके कारण तीलू रौतेली के पिता, भाइयों और मंगेतर को जान गंवानी पड़ी थी। पंडित हरिकृष्ण रतूड़ी ने ‘गढ़वाल का इतिहास’ नामक पुस्तक में लिखा है कि राजा मानशाह १५९१ से १६१० तक गढ़वाल के राजा रहे और १९ साल राज करने के बाद ३४ साल की उम्र में वे स्वर्ग भी सिधार गये थे। इस आधार पर कहा जा सकता है कि तीलू रौतेली का जन्म ईस्वी सन १६०० के बाद हुआ था।

भूप सिंह गोरला जोकि १७ वीं सदी में चौन्दकोट गढ़ का गढ़पति होता था वह गुराड़स्यूं गॉव के गुराड़ का निवासी था. तब रिंगवाडा रावत, सिपाही नेगी व गोरला रावत चौन्दकोट गढ़ के रसूकदार थोकदार माने जाते थे, इडा के सिपाही नेगियों के पास बेहद उन्नत घोड़े व सैन्य टुकड़ी हुआ करती थी जिसका काफी दबदबा भी था इसीलिए उन्होंने तल्ला इड़ा में एक बिशाल क्वाठा (किला) बनवाया था. लेकिन ये भी सच था कि इनकी ज्यादातर जिंदगी गढ़राज्य की सीमा सुरक्षा में ही चली जाती थी. जहाँ इतिहासकार इसे १७ वीं सदी की घटना या वृत्तांत समझते हैं वहीँ मुझे लगता है कि कहीं न कहीं यह लेखकीय गलती है क्योंकि सत्रहवीं सदी तक तो कुमाऊ में चंद वंशीय राजा राज करते थे जबकि तीलू रौतेली का युद्ध कत्युरी काल का है जो संवत ७०० ई. का माना जा सकता है. ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि से अभी इस पर और अधिक कार्य की आवश्यकता है ये मेरा मानना है।


तीलू रौतेली को तीलू रावत या तीलू गोरला क्यों नहीं बोला गया आज तक यह प्रश्न किसी ने नहीं उठाया अत: मैं इस जिज्ञासा को शांत कर दूँ कि तीलू का बचपन से ही शौक मर्दों जैसा रहा. घुड़सवारी करना, तलवार चलाना इत्यादि. वह बचपन से ही अपने को पुरुष कहलाना पसंद करती थी. तीलू को रौतेली इसलिए कहा गया कि चौन्दकोट के सीमान्त क्षेत्र में आज भी ननद को रौतेली ही कहा जाता है।

ज्ञात हो कि १५ वर्ष की आयु में तीलू रौतेली की शघाई इडा गाँव (पट्टी मोंदाडस्यु) के थोकदार भुप्पा नेगी के पुत्र हीरा नेगी के साथ हुई थी ! कहीं पांवडो में हीरा नेगी का नाम आया है फिर भी यह तय नहीं है कि कत्यूरियों से युद्ध करते हुए सराईखेत (कुमाऊ दुशान) में मरने वाला सिपाही नेगी हीरा नेगी वही था जिसकी शघाई तीलू रौतेली से हुई थी. इसी उम्र में गुरु शिबू पोखरियाल ने तीलू को घुड़सवारी और तलवारबाजी के सारे गुर सिखा दिए। उस समय गढनरेशो और कत्यूरियों में पारस्परिक प्रतिद्वंदिता चल रही थी। कत्यूरी नरेश धामदेव ने जब खैरागढ़ पर आक्रमण किया तो गढनरेश मानशाह वहा की रक्षा की जि़म्मेदारी भूप सिंह को सौंपकर स्वयं चांदपुर गढ़ी में आ गया। भूप सिंह ने डटकर आक्रमणकारियों का मुकाबला किया, परंतु इस युद्ध में वह अपने दोनों बेटों, और तीलू के मंगेतर भूप्पा नेगी के साथ वीरतापूर्वक लड़ते हुए शहीद हो गए।

कुछ ही दिनों में काडा गाँव में कौथिग (मेला) लगा और इन सभी घटनाओं से अंजान तीलू कौथिग में जाने की जिद करने लगी तो मां ने रोते हुये जमकर ताना मारा और भाइओं की मौत का बदला लेने को कहा। मां के कटु वचनों को सुनकर उसने कतयूरियों से प्रतिशोध लेने तथा खैरागढ़ सहित अपने समीपवर्ती क्षेत्रों को आक्रमणकारियों से मुक्त कराने का प्रण किया। उसने आस-पास के सभी गांवों में घोषणा करवा दी कि इस बार काडा का उत्सव नहीं अपितु कतयूरियों का विनाशोत्सव होगा। शस्त्रों से लैस सैनिकों तथा बिंदुली नाम की घोड़ी और अपनी दो प्रमुख सहेलियों बेल्लु और देवली को साथ लेकर युद्धभूमि के लिए तीलू ने प्रस्थान किया।


स्वामी गौरीनाथ ने गोरिला छापामार युद्ध की रणकला तीलू को सिखाई। इसी गोरिल्ला युद्ध के दम पर वह कत्यूरियों पर विजय प्राप्त करती आगे बढ़ती रही। पुरुष वेश में तीलू ने सबसे पहले खैरागढ़ को कत्यूरियों से मुक्त कराया। खैरागढ़ से आगे बढ़कर उसने उमटागढ़ी को जीता। इसके पश्चात वह अपने दल-बल के साथ सल्ट महादेव जा पहुंची। छापामार युद्ध में पारागत तीलू सल्ट को जीत कर भिलंग भौण की तरफ चल पड़ी, परंतु दुर्भाग्य से तीलू की दोनों अंगरक्षक सखियों को इस युद्ध में अपने प्राणों की आहुति देनी पड़ी। कुमाऊं में जहा बेल्लू शहीद हुई उस स्थान का नाम बेलाघाट और देवली के शहीद स्थल को देघाट कहते हैं। तीलू प्रत्येक गढ़ को जीतने के बाद वहां की व्यवस्था अपने वफादार चतुर सैनिकों के हाथों सुरक्षित करके ही आगे बढ़ रही थी। समय घर लौटते हुए एक दिन तल्ला काडा शिविर के निकट पूर्वी नयार नदी तट पर तीलू जलपान कर रही थी कि तभी शत्रु के एक सैनिक रामू रजवार ने धोखे से तीलू पर तलवार का वार कर दिया। तीलू के बलिदानी रक्त से नदी का पानी भी लाल हो गया। 


नयार में तीलू की आदमकद मूर्ति आज भी उस वीरागना की याद दिलाती है। उनकी याद में आज भी काडा ग्राम व बीरोंखाल क्षेत्र के निवासी हर वर्ष कौथीग (मेला) आयोजित करते हैं और ढ़ोल-दमाऊ तथा निशान के साथ तीलू रौतेली की प्रतिमा का पूजन किया जाता है। तीलू रौतेली की स्मृति में गढ़वाल मंडल के कई गांव में थड्या गीत गाए जाते हैं।

तीलू जहां भी गयी स्थानीय लोगों और वहां के समुदाय प्रमुखों का तीलू को भरपूर समर्थन मिलता था। असल में धाम शाही क्रूर राजा था और वह जनता पर अनाप शनाप कर लगाता रहता था। इससे जनता त्रस्त थी और उन्हें तीलू के रूप में नया सहारा मिल गया था। तीलू रौतेली का शौर्यपूर्ण इतिहास वृत्त आज गढवाली लोक साहित्य की गौरवशाली वीरगाथा का रूप धारण कर चुका है। अनेक गढवाली कवियों ने तीलू रौतेली के वीरता पूर्ण चरित्र पर वीर रस की कविताएं लिखी हैं। इसी संदर्भ में प्रस्तुत हैं विमल साहित्यरत्न विरचित वीर रसीय गढ़वाली कविता ‘तीलू रौतेली -धकी धै धै’ के कुछ अंश –

“आ तीलू को डंका बजीगे मरदो

ओ तीलू को झंडा फहरैगे मरदो

रण भेरी मारू बाजीगे मरदो

ढोल दमौऊं गाजीगे मरदो।

घिमंडु की हुड़की कड़कीगे मरदो

बल्लू की डौरी भड़कीगे मरदो

शूर शार्दूल ऐ गैने मरदो।”

जय सिंह रावत ‘जसकोटी’ ने भी अपनी स्वरचित कविता में तीलू रौतेली के वीरता पूर्ण चरित्र के माध्यम से गढ़ की नारी शक्ति का साहसी, पराक्रमी और मरदानगी भरा चरित्र अंकित किया है। कविता की निम्नलिखित पंक्तियां दर्शनीय हैं –

“धन धन छै तु गढ़ की नारी

जै जै हवेली तेरी तीलू रौतेली

गवे दीन्द तेरी बीरता मर्दानी

ग्वला रौतु की छाई तु निर्भीक सैलाणी

गढ़ म तेरी अलग च मिसाल

लड़ाई लाड़ तिन बिन हथयार

मन म राई तेरी येकी ठान

कैन्तुरा राजा क जैड मिटाण ”


रौतेली की याद में गढ़वाल में रणभूत नचाया जाता है। डा. शिवानंद नौटियाल ने अपनी पुस्तक ‘गढ़वाल के लोकनृत्य’ में लिखा है – जब तीलू रौतेली नचाई जाती है तो अन्य बीरों के रण भूत /पश्वा जैसे शिब्बू पोखरियाल, घिमंडू हुडक्या, बेलु -पत्तू सखियाँ , नेगी सरदार आदि के पश्वाओंको भी नचाया जाता है . सबके सब पश्वा मंडांण में युद्ध नृत्य के साथ नाचते हैं” 

ओ कांडा का कौथिग उर्यो
ओ तिलु कौथिग बोला
धका धै धै तिलु रौतेली धका धै धै (Read धै as Dhai )
द्वी बीर मेरा रणशूर ह्वेन
भगतु पत्ता को बदला लेक कौतिक खेलला
धका धे धे तिलु रौतेली धका धै धै
अहो रणशूर बाजा बजी गेन रौतेली धका धै धै
बोइयों का दूध तुम रणखेतु बतावा धका धै धै
तीलु रौतेली ब्वादा रणसाज सजावा धका धै धै
इजा मैणा यूं बीरूं टीका लगावा , साज सजावा ,धका धै धै
मै तीलु बोदू जौंका भाई होला , जोंकी बैणि होली
ओ रणखेत जाला धका धै धै
बल्लू प्रहरी टु मुलक जाइक धाई लगै दे धका धै धै
बीरों के भृकुटी तण गे धका धै धै
तीलु रौतेली धका धै धै
ओ अब बूड़ी सलाण नाचण लागे धका धै धै
अब नई जवानी आइगे धका धै धै
बेलू देबकी द्वी सखी संग चली गे धका धै धै
ओ खैरा गढ़ मा जुद्ध लगी गे धका धै धै
खड़कु रौत तखी मोरी गे धका धै धै
तीलु रौतेली धका धै धै
ओ काण्ड को कौतिक उर्यो गे धका धै धै
तीलु रौतेली तुम पुराणा हथ्यार पुजावा धका धै धै
अपणि ढाल कटार तलवार सजावा धका धै धै
घिमंडू की हुडकी बाजण लगे धका धै धै
ओ रणशूर साज सजीक ऐगे तीलु रौतेली धका धै धै
दीवा को अष्टांग करी याल धका धै धै
रण जीति घर आइक गाडुल़ो छतर रे धका धै धै
धका धे धे तीलु रौतेली धका धै धै
पौंची गे तीलु रौतेली टकोली भौन धका धै धै
यख बिद्वा कैंत्युरो मारियाले धका धै धै
तब तीलु पौंची गे सल्ड मादेव धका धै धै
ओ सिंगनी शार्दूला धका धै धै
धका धे धे तीलु रौतेली धका धै धै
येख वख मारी कैकी बौडी गे चौखाटिया देघाट धका धै धै
बिजय मीले पण तीलु घिरेगे धका धै धै
बेल्लू देबकी रणखेतुं मा इखी काम ऐन
इथगा मा शिब्बू पोखरियाल मदद लेक आइगे धका धै धै
अब शार्दूला लड़द पौंची कालिंकाखाळ
सराइंखेत आइगे घमासान जुद्ध ह्व़े धका धै धै
शार्दूला की मार से कैंत्युरा रण छोडि भाजी गेन धका धै धै
रण भूत पितरां कल तर्पण दिंऊला धका धै धै
यख शिब्बू पोखरियाल तर्पण देण लग्ये धका धै धै
सराईखेत नाम तभी से पड़े धका धै धै
यख कौतिक तलवारियों को होलो धका धै धै
ये तें खेलला मरदाना मस्ताना रणवांकुर जवान धका धै धै
सरदार चला तुम रणखेत चला तुम धका धै धै
धका धे धे तीलु रौतेली धका धै धै
ओ रणसिंग्या रणभेरी नगाड़ा बजीगे धका धै धै
ओ शिब्बू ब्वाडा तर्पण करण खैरागढ़ धका धै धै
अब शार्दूला पौंची गे खैरागढ़ धका धै धै
यख जीतू कैंत्युरा मारी , राजुला जै रौतेली अगने बढी गे धका धै धै
रण जीति सिंगनी दुबाटा मा नाण लगे धका धै धै
राजुलात रणचंडी छयी अपणो काम करी नाम धरे गे धका धै धै
कौतिका जाइक खेलणो छयो खेली याला
याद तौंकी जुग जुग रहली धका धै धै
तू साक्षी रैली खाटली के देवी धका धै धै
तू साक्षी रैली स्ल्ड का मादेव धका धै धै
ओ तू साक्षी रैली पंच पाल देव
कालिका की देवी लंगडिया भैरों
ताडासर देव , अमर तीलु, सिंगनी शार्दूला धका धै धै
जब तक भूमि , सूरज आसमान
तीलु रौतेली की तब तक याद रैली
धका धै धै तीलु रौतेली धका धै धै

आज भी आप शांत चित्त से अगर पूर्वी नयार के कलकल के बीच तल्ला कांडा के नीचे या आस-पास से गुजर रहे होंगे तो महसूस करेंगे कि घिमडू हुडक्या की “धकी धै धै हुड्क्या बोल हवा में तैरते सुनाई देंगे।

हे वीरांगना तीलू रौतेली हम नमन करते हैं तेरे साहस को,तेरी वीरता को,तेरे उन धन्य माता पिता को जिन्होंने ऐसी वीरांगना को जन्म दिया, और नमन करते हैं गढ़वाल की तेरी उस जन्मभूमि को जहाँ तीलू रौतेली जैसी बेटियां पैदा होती हैं।




Friday, December 11, 2020

SYMBOL OF EXTRAORDINARY LOYALTY, PATRIOTISM AND PERSONAL SACRIFICE OF RAJDHATRI PANNA DAI KHICHI CHAUHAN - IMMORTAL RAJPUTS


राजपूताना इतिहास के पन्नों पर
लिखा गया पन्ना धाय नाम स्वर्णाक्षरों में
जब-जब याद किया जाएगा राजपूती गौरव को
तब-तब याद किया जाएगा उनके त्याग और स्वामिभक्ति को

विश्व इतिहास में पन्ना के त्याग जैसा दूसरा दृष्टांत अनुपलब्ध है। अविस्मरणीय बलिदान, त्याग, साहस, स्वाभिमान एवं स्वामिभक्ति के लिए पन्नाधाय का नाम इतिहास में स्वर्णाक्षरों में अंकित है। वह एक कर्तव्यनिष्ठ साहसी महिला थी।

वीरांगना पन्नाधाय का जन्म चित्तौरगढ़ के समीप ठिकाना परसोली के हरचंद जी खिंची (चौहान राजपूत)के यहाँ हुआ। इनका विवाह चुंडावतों के ठिकाने देवगढ़ के गांव कमेरी के श्री सूरजमलजी  हुआ।

पन्ना खिंची के पति सूरजमल मेवाड़ सेना में एक वीर सैनिक थे और चित्तौड़ राज्य (किले) में सेवारत थे।

बात तब की है‚ जब चित्तौड़गढ़ का किला आन्तरिक विरोध व षड्यंत्रों में जल रहा था। मेवाड़ का भावी राणा उदय सिंह किशोर हो रहा था। तभी उदयसिंह के पिता के चचेरे भाई बनवीर ने एक षड्यन्त्र रच कर उदयसिंह के पिता की हत्या महल में ही करवा दी तथा उदयसिंह को मारने का अवसर ढूंढने लगा। उदयसिंह की माता को संशय हुआ तथा उन्होंने उदय सिंह को अपनी खास दासी व उदय सिंह की धाय पन्ना खिंची को सौंप कर कहा कि,

“पन्ना अब यह राजमहल व चित्तौड़ का किला इस लायक नहीं रहा कि मेरे पुत्र तथा मेवाड़ के भावी राणा की रक्षा कर सके‚ तू इसे अपने साथ ले जा‚ और किसी तरह कुम्भलगढ़ भिजवा दे।”


पन्ना धाय राणा साँगा के पुत्र राणा उदयसिंह की धाय माँ थीं। पन्ना धाय किसी राजपरिवार की सदस्य नहीं थीं। अपना सर्वस्व स्वामी को अर्पण करने वाली वीरांगना पन्ना धाय का जन्म कमेरी गावँ में हुआ था। राणा साँगा के पुत्र उदयसिंह को माँ के स्थान पर दूध पिलाने के कारण पन्ना ‘धाय माँ’ कहलाई थी। पन्ना का पुत्र चन्दन और राजकुमार उदयसिंह साथ-साथ बड़े हुए थे। उदयसिंह को पन्ना ने अपने पुत्र के समान पाला था। पन्नाधाय ने उदयसिंह की माँ रानी कर्मावती के सामूहिक आत्म बलिदान द्वारा स्वर्गारोहण पर बालक की परवरिश करने का दायित्व संभाला था। पन्ना ने पूरी लगन से बालक की परवरिश और सुरक्षा की। पन्ना चित्तौड़ के कुम्भा महल में रहती थी।


चित्तौड़ का शासक, दासी का पुत्र बनवीर बनना चाहता था। उसने राणा के वंशजों को एक-एक कर मार डाला। बनवीर एक रात महाराजा विक्रमादित्य की हत्या करके उदयसिंह को मारने के लिए उसके महल की ओर चल पड़ा। एक विश्वस्त सेवक द्वारा पन्ना धाय को इसकी पूर्व सूचना मिल गई। पन्ना राजवंश और अपने कर्तव्यों के प्रति सजग थी व उदयसिंह को बचाना चाहती थी। उसने उदयसिंह को एक बांस की टोकरी में सुलाकर उसे झूठी पत्तलों से ढककर एक विश्वास पात्र सेवक के साथ महल से बाहर भेज दिया। बनवीर को धोखा देने के उद्देश्य से अपने पुत्र को उदयसिंह के पलंग पर सुला दिया। बनवीर रक्तरंजित तलवार लिए उदयसिंह के कक्ष में आया और उसके बारे में पूछा। 


पन्ना ने उदयसिंह के पलंग की ओर संकेत किया जिस पर उसका पुत्र सोया था। बनवीर ने पन्ना के पुत्र को उदयसिंह समझकर मार डाला। पन्ना अपनी आँखों के सामने अपने पुत्र के वध को अविचलित रूप से देखती रही। बनवीर को पता न लगे इसलिए वह आंसू भी नहीं बहा पाई। बनवीर के जाने के बाद अपने मृत पुत्र की लाश को चूमकर राजकुमार को सुरक्षित स्थान पर ले जाने के लिए निकल पड़ी। स्वामिभक्त वीरांगना पन्ना धन्य हैं! जिसने अपने कर्तव्य-पूर्ति में अपनी आँखों के तारे पुत्र का बलिदान देकर मेवाड़ राजवंश को बचाया।


आईये उस महान वीरता से परिपूर्ण पन्ना की कहानी को इस कविता के माध्यम से समझते है ।।

चल पड़ा दुष्ट बनवीर क्रूर, जैसे कलयुग का कंस चला

राणा सांगा के, कुम्भा के, कुल को करने निर्वश चला

उस ओर महल में पन्ना के कानों में ऐसी भनक पड़ी

वह भीत मृगी सी सिहर उठी, क्या करे नहीं कुछ समझ पड़ी

तत्क्षण मन में संकल्प उठा, बिजली चमकी काले घन पर

स्वामी के हित में बलि दूंगी, अपने प्राणों से भी बढ़ कर

धन्ना नाई की कुंडी में, झटपट राणा को सुला दिया

ऊपर झूठे पत्तल रख कर, यों छिपा महल से पार किया

फिर अपने नन्हें­मुन्ने को, झट गुदड़ी में से उठा लिया

राजसी वसन­भूषण पहना, फौरन पलंग पर लिटा दिया

इतने में ही सुन पड़ी गरज, है उदय कहां, युवराज कहां

शोणित प्यासी तलवार लिये, देखा कातिल था खड़ा वहां

पन्ना सहमी, दिल झिझक उठा, फिर मन को कर पत्थर कठोर

सोया प्राणों­का­प्राण जहां, दिखला दी उंगली उसी ओर

छिन में बिजली­सी कड़क उठी, जालिम की ऊंची खड्ग उठी

मां­मां मां­मां की चीख उठी, नन्हीं सी काया तड़प उठी

शोणित से सनी सिसक निकली, लोहू पी नागन शांत हुई

इक नन्हा जीवन­दीप बुझा, इक गाथा करुण दुखांत हुई

जबसे धरती पर मां जनमी, जब से मां ने बेटे जनमे

ऐसी मिसाल कुर्बानी की, देखी न गई जन­जीवन में

तू पुण्यमयी, तू धर्ममयी, तू त्याग­तपस्या की देवी

धरती के सब हीरे­पन्ने, तुझ पर वारें पन्ना देवी

तू भारत की सच्ची नारी, बलिदान चढ़ाना सिखा गयी

तू स्वामिधर्म पर, देशधर्म पर, हृदय लुटाना सिखा गयी


पुत्र की मृत्यु के बाद पन्ना उदयसिंह को लेकर बहुत दिनों तक सप्ताह शरण के लिए भटकती रही पर दुष्ट बनबीर के खतरे के डर से कई राजकुल जिन्हें पन्ना को आश्रय देना चाहिए था, उन्होंने पन्ना को आश्रय नहीं दिया। पन्ना जगह-जगह राजद्रोहियों से बचती, कतराती तथा स्वामिभक्त प्रतीत होने वाले प्रजाजनों के सामने अपने को ज़ाहिर करती भटकती रही। कुम्भलगढ़ में उसे यह जाने बिना कि उसकी भवितव्यता क्या है शरण मिल गयी। उदयसिंह क़िलेदार का भांजा बनकर बड़ा हुआ। तेरह वर्ष की आयु में मेवाड़ी उमरावों ने उदयसिंह को अपना राजा स्वीकार कर लिया और उसका राज्याभिषेक कर दिया। उदय सिंह 1542 में मेवाड़ के वैधानिक महाराणा बन गए।



Contrary to popular belief, Panna Dhai who sacrificed her son to save the prince of Mewar was a Chauhan Rajput woman of Khichi sub clan.

REFER:


She was a 16th century Rajput woman of the Kheechee tribe, nursemaid to Udai Singh the fourth son of Maharana SANGRAM SINGH I (SANGA) (1509-1527). Her name, Panna means emerald, and dhai is Hindi for a wet nurse.


She had been given charge of young Udai, breast-feeding him virtually from his birth in 1522, along with her own son Chandan, who was of similar age & Udai's playmate. It was never considered that young Udai, last in line to throne, would ever succeed as Maharana.


However, the 2nd and 3rd decades of 16th century were troubled times, & events moved rapidly. Sanga died of wounds sustained at the Battle of KHANWA (1527) against BABUR. Sanga's eldest son BHOJ RAJ had been killed in battle in 1521. 3 of his other sons died during his lifetime.

His then eldest son succeeded to the throne as Maharana RATAN SINGH II (1527-1531). However, when he died after ruling only four years, the vile-tempered VIKRAMADITYA II succeeded to the throne at the young age of 14. Unfortunately, his unpleasant disposition caused strife at Chittor, so much so that Sultan BAHADUR SHAH of Gujarat, wanting to settle an old score, took advantage of Mewar's unrest, and marched on the fortress in 1534 (see CHITTOR, 2ND SACK).


Vikramaditya took a small force of nobles and their armies into the hills to provide a second attack force; and young Udai Singh was spirited away with a small party that included Panna and her son to safety in Bundi. Chittor was sacked and Bahadur Shah returned to Gujarat. Udai Singh returned to the capital, and Vikramaditya came back to continue his reign. Unfortunately, his temperament had not improved with defeat and, one day in 1536, he physically abused a respected old chieftain at the Court. This proved to be the final straw for the Mewar nobles as they placed Vikramaditya under palace arrest, leaving the object of Panna Dhai's love and loyalty, Udai Singh as heir-elect to the throne. The Court appointed a distant cousin, BANBIR to act as his Regent. He was, allegedly, illegitimate son of Udai's uncle, PRITHVI RAJ (Crown Prince Prithvi Raj had a fight with his younger brother, Sangram Singh, & was sent into exile where he died, never to succeed as Maharana). Banbir, who considered himself to be the rightful heir to throne knew time was right to act. One evening that same year, he assassinated imprisoned Vikramaditya, then hurried towards the rawala to get rid of the only remaining barrier to his ambition, the 14 year old Udai Singh.


Panna Dhai had already fed her beloved son & her royal charge, and put them to bed. A servant (vari) ran in to tell her of nearby assassination. Immediately, the loyal nursemaid realised what Banbir was doing. She also knew that, for the future of Mewar, young Udai must be saved. Urgently, she instructed the servant to put the sleeping prince into a large basket and smuggle him out of the fort to a spot by the nearby river where she would join them later. As soon as the servant left with the basket and its precious royal contents, she summoned an amazing strength of will that is characteristic of so many Rajputs: she lifted her sleeping son, Chandan, from his bed and placed him on the prince's bed, covering him with a blanket.


Within moments, Banbir burst into the room, sword in hand. When asked the whereabouts of the infant Maharana, Panna pointed to the occupied bed ... and watched in horror as the murderer slew her son. Banbir then called a meeting of the Court informed the gathered chiefs that both Vikramaditya and Udai were dead and, claiming his dubious right to the throne, proclaimed himself the new king of Mewar. Meanwhile, the grief-stricken Panna Dhai watched as her son was hastily cremated. She then packed some clothing and meagre supplies into a bag, and hurried from the fort. At the designated spot by the river, she took charge of the young king and urged the servant, in the name of Mewar, not to mention a word of what had transpired that night.


The woman & child then began an amazing trek of endurance, which lasted many weeks. They called at several towns seeking refuge from the local Chieftains.


However, having heard of events at capital, & to evade any repercussions from violent Banbir, the Rawats refused assistance As Panna and Udai struggled on through the rugged valleys of the Aravalli ranges, only the local tribals, the BHILS, traditionally faithful to the Mewar crown, gave the couple food and temporary lodgings.


Finally, they arrived at KUMBHALGARH, many kilometres west of Chittor, where the local governor, a Jain merchant named ASHA DEPURA SHAH, agreed to give the child protection. For a couple of years, Panna and the young king remained at Kumbhalgarh, where he was passed off as Asha Shah's nephew. However, in 1539, a chieftain from Marwar visited the fort, and the 17-year-old Udai was sent to receive him. For a couple of years, Panna and the young king remained at Kumbhalgarh, where he was passed off as Asha Shah's nephew. However, in 1539, a chieftain from Marwar visited the fort, and the 17-year-old Udai was sent to receive him. The youth's dignified manner convinced him he was no nephew of the Jain governor, and rumour quickly spread that Udai Singh might still be alive. A deputy of chiefs from Chittor went in secret to Kumbhalgarh, where they interviewed not only the young man, but also Panna Dhai.


The royal nursemaid, knowing her young charge would now be in safe hands, told them the full story of the deception and the escape. The nobles proclaimed Udai as their Maharana and his coronation was held at Kumbhalgarh. In 1540, backed by a large combined Mewar and Marwar force, Udai Singh, then aged 18 marched on Chittor to reclaim his throne. Hearing of their approach, Banbir the usurper mounted an army and rode out to repel them. They met at Mavli and Banbir was defeated (he was either killed or he escaped, never to return). Maharana Udai Singh rode into Chittor acclaimed by the populace. And at that point, Panna Dhai, the humble nursemaid, disappeared from the pages of Mewar's history. 


However, her name and her deeds will live forever as symbols of extraordinary loyalty, patriotism, and personal sacrifice. But for her, the long reign of the House of Mewar would surely have ended, and the city of Udaipur, later founded by Udai Singh, would never have existed.