UNITY DAY- 31 October
The day we think we gave everything for one india ..where is one india the reality ...
In the recent media coverage on Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, there was not one word about the greatest insult to his memory: the abolition of the Privy Purses, first by a Presidential Order and, later, by a constitutional amendment.
Article 1 of the Constitution states that India, that is, Bharat, shall be a Union of States. No person can claim greater credit for the creation of Bharat than Sardar Patel, ably assisted by V.P. Menon (Constitutional Adviser to Lord Mountbatten). In 1947, princely states numbering 555 covered 48 per cent of the area of pre-Independent India and constituted 28 per cent of its population. Legally, the princely states were not a part of British India and the people of these states were not treated as British subjects. But, in reality, they were completely subordinate to the British Crown.
The Indian Independence Act, 1947, provided for the lapse of paramountcy of the British Crown over the Indian states. Each ruler had the option to accede to the dominion of India or to Pakistan, or continue as an independent sovereign mini-state. The rulers were often seen, perhaps rightly, as lackeys and stooges of the British Empire. Even in the “mutiny” of 1857, many of them actively assisted the British. Lord Canning acknowledged their role as “breakwaters in the storm which would have swept over us in one great wave.” From the beginning, therefore, several members of the Congress were totally opposed to the payment of Privy Purses.
Princely States' contribution to the Indian Army
The first Indian officers, recruited into the Indian Army under the British in 1905, came from aristocratic families. They were Zorawar Singh of Bhavnagar Princely State, Wali-ud-din Khan of Paigah in Hyderabad, Kanwar Amar Singh of Kanota in Jaipur, and Aga Kassim Shah nephew of the Aga Khan. Although enjoying internal autonomy, the princely states were not completely disconnected from the changes occurring in British India. Their military forces in particular mirrored the organization of the Indian Army, and after Independence, were merged into the infantry and cavalry regiments of that army on the basis of their common recruitment areas.
The cavalry unit shown above, the Bhavnagar Imperial Service Lancers, depict the modern, lightly armed, and compact cavalry formations introduced by the East India Company (EIC). Most of the princely states could not afford to maintain such cavalry units, and fewer still had artillery units, but all of them had some form of infantry.
Eastern India
The EIC troops predominantly comprised soldiers recruited from Eastern India till the 1857 revolt. Subsequently recruitment for the Indian Army was shifted to Northern and Western India. The Eastern States Agency comprised princely states like Cooch Behar (in West Bengal), Mayurbhanj (in Orissa), Tripura in the North-East, Surguja (in Chhattisgarh), and many others. These states had very modest-sized armies, but some of them also contributed men and material to the Imperial Service Troops. For example Manipur sent a double company of Manipuri soldiers and a corps of labourers to take part in WWI, while the 1st Tripura Bir Bikram Manikya Rifles and the Tripura Mahabir Legion were part of the Burma campaign in 1943.
During the Second World War, the Bihar Regiment was raised to recruit men from Eastern India, and the Assam Regiment to take in men from the North-East. However after Independence they did not absorb any of the state forces units from their respective regions. The small armies of all these princely states in Eastern India were simply disbanded. Communist and other militant movements in these parts claim to have taken recruits and arms from some of these disbanded armies.
Southern India
Another point of expansion for the British power was Southern India, centering around the Madras Presidency. Initially local troops were recruited into the EIC forces here, but later stress was placed on getting soldiers from Northern and Western India. Towards Independence only the Madras Regiment recruited its men from south of the River Krishna.
After independence, the infantry battalions of Mysore, Travancore, and Cochin princely states were amalgamated into the Madras Regiment. The 1st Travancore Nair Infantry, tracing it's origins to 1741 and the Battle of Colachel, became the 9th battalion of the Madras Regiment, while the 2nd Travancore Nair Infantry became the 16th battalion. An infantry battalion from the Cochin State Forces became the 17th battalion. The 1st battalion Mysore State Infantry formed the core of the 18th battalion, but men from the other two battalions of the State Forces were also amalgamated.
There were other princely states scattered across the northern part of the Indian Peninsula, but in terms of size and population the largest was Hyderabad. Despite the agreement on Partition, Pakistan and elements in Britain encouraged Hyderabad princely state to chase the mirage of an independent existence, leading to conflict with India. The Hyderabad State Forces had Deccani Muslims, Marathas, and mercenary Arabs in their ranks, but for the most part followed the recruiting pattern of the Indian Army, and comprised men from Northern India, Rajputs, Jats, Ahirs, and Kumaonis, the last of whom came to replace Hindustani Muslims.
Following the success of Operation Polo and the annexation of Hyderabad into the Indian Union, all the fifteen battalions of the Hyderabad State Forces were disbanded except for the 2nd Hyderabad Infantry. This unit traced its history to 1853 when it was raised by Raja Rameshwar Rao I of Wanaparthi estate in Hyderabad. It was re-designated as the 22nd battalion of the Maratha Light Infantry and became a part of the Indian Army. Volunteers from the other disbanded battalions also joined this unit, which carried the honours of Hyderabad, and still has a unit composition of 50% Muslim and 50% Maratha. Two other units of the Maratha Light Infantry came from princely states; the Kolhapur Rajaram Rifles became the 19th battalion, while the 20th battalion came from the Baroda State Forces, even though Baroda was in Gujarat.
Northern India
The sprawling plains of Punjab, merging into Delhi, and the rugged ranges of the Himalayas were the recruiting ground of the greater portion of the Indian Army. This region also had a number of princely states, of whom the biggest was J&K. The State Forces of Jammu and Kashmir, fought well and withstood many a siege, during the Pakistani invasion of J&K State and were hence merged wholesale as a distinct regiment, the Jammu and Kashmir Rifles, into the Indian Army.
The armies of the Sikh princely states of Patiala, Faridkot, Nabha, Kapurthala, and Jind were raised by the founders of these states in the 18th century. The 1st Jind Infantry became the 13th battalion of the Punjab Regiment, the 1st Nabha Akal Infantry became the 14th, the 1st Patiala Rajinder Sikh Infantry became the 15th, and the 2nd Patiala Yadvinder Infantry became the 16th. The 1st Patiala was also involved in the J&K war, when Maharaja Hari Singh sought aid from Maharaja Yadavendra Singh, during the Pakistani invasion. They reached Jammu in November 1947, helping to disarm rioters, and later manning the lines of communication while the J&K army faced the Pakistani invaders.
The newly-created hill state of Uttarakhand east of the Yamuna River, is home to the Gharwali and Kumaoni soldiers. The only sizable princely state here was Tehri, and personnel from the Tehri Garhwal Field Company were merged into the 39th Garhwal Rifles.
Between J&K and Uttarakhand were numerous states like Chamba, Mandi, Suket, Rampur, and Sirmur, all part of the recruiting ground of the Dogra fighting class, which extended into the Jammu region of J&K State. After Independence, personnel from Chamba Infantry, Joginder Infantry (Mandi), Sirmur Rifles, and Suket Infantry became the 16th battalion of the Dogra Regiment.
Western and Central India
The biggest concentration of princely states was in modern Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Madhya Pradesh. These states, particularly in Rajasthan, had indigenous breeds of horses and with their pre-dominantly cavalry forces maintained independence throughout the period of Islamic invasions into India. Infantry remained a neglected branch, but under British rule these states began fielding battalions drilled and organized along the lines of the Indian army. The entire region, stretching into Central India as well as North India, was the recruiting ground of the Rajput Regiment, the Rajputana Rifles, the Grenadiers Regiment, and the Jat Regiment. Mewar the greatest state in Rajputana contributed the 1st Mewar Infantry, which became the 9th battalion of the Grenadiers Regiment.
The states of Gwalior and Indore were founded by Marathas but their armies came to be manned by North Indians like Kumaonis and Ahirs. After Independence the 4th Gwalior Infantry became the 14th Kumaon Regiment while the Indore Infantry was designated as 15th Kumaon. In the Pathan state of Bhopal, the State Forces were recruited from among Punjabi Muslims and after Independence were disbanded.
The princely states in Kutch and Saurashtra had an independent existence from the Gujarat plains, which were under British rule. State forces of Nawanagar, Bhavnagar, and Porbandar assisted the Kathiawar Defence Force in the pacification operations in Junagadh at the time of independence. Personnel of the Kutch State Forces and from the princely states in Saurasthra, were organized into the 7th Grenadiers. Saurashtra Infantry also became the 18th Rajputana Rifles. The Sawai Man Guards of Jaipur State, was engaged in fighting in the J&K War, and became the 17th battalion of the Rajputana Rifles.
A mounted unit from Bikaner State, the Ganga Risala (Bikaner Camel Corps), was amalgamated with the Jaisalmer Risala raised in 1948 and became the 13th Grenadiers. The Jodhpur Sirdar Infantry, the oldest battalion of the Indian Army tracing its history to the establishment of the Rathor clan in western Rajasthan circa 1212 CE, became the 20th battalion of the Rajput Regiment. The Bikaner Sadul Light Infantry became the 19th battalion.
The contribution of these princely states was not just in men and material; even before their amalgamation, many of these units were fighting in the J&K war or engaged in protecting the border and escorting refugees displaced by partition.
Integration
The tireless efforts of Sardar Patel and V.P. Menon resulted in the princes agreeing to the dissolution of their respective states. They surrendered several villages, thousands of acres of scattered jagir land, palaces, museums, buildings, aircraft, and cash balances and investments amounting to Rs.77 crore. In addition, there was the railway system of about 12,000 miles which the states surrendered to the Centre without receiving any compensation.
In consideration of their agreeing to integrate with India, the princes were to be paid a Privy Purse, which was approximately 8.5 per cent of the annual revenue of each princely state. The amounts varied from Rs.43 lakh a year to the Nizam of Hyderabad to just Rs.192 a year to the ruler of Katodia. Of the 555 rulers, 398 were to get less than Rs.50,000 a year. The total cost to the Indian exchequer in 1947 was Rs.6 crore, which was to be progressively reduced. At the time of abolition in 1970, the total amount payable to all the erstwhile princes was just Rs.4 crore a year.
On October 12, 1949, Sardar Patel persuaded the Constituent Assembly to include Articles 291 and 362 in the Constitution to guarantee the payment of Privy Purses and also preserve the personal rights, privileges and dignities of the rulers. His brilliant speech bears clear testimony to his statesmanship and deserves to be carefully read:
“The privy purse settlements are, therefore, in the nature of consideration for the surrender by the rulers of all their ruling powers and also for the dissolution of the States as separate units … Need we cavil then at the small — I purposely use the word small — price we have paid for the bloodless revolution which has affected the destinies of millions of our people? …
“The capacity for mischief and trouble on the part of the rulers if the settlement with them would not have been reached on a negotiated basis was far greater than could be imagined at this stage. Let us do justice to them; let us place ourselves in their position and then assess the value of their sacrifice. The rulers have now discharged their part of the obligations by transferring all ruling powers by agreeing to the integration of their States. The main part of our obligation under these agreements is to ensure that the guarantee given by us in respect of privy purses are fully implemented. Our failure to do so would be a breach of faith and seriously prejudice the stabilisation of the new order.”
He also informed the Assembly that if the cash received from the rulers of Madhya Bharat alone were invested, the interest would cover the payment of Privy Purses to all the princes. Nobody but Sardar Patel and V.P. Menon could have negotiated such a settlement with them. After Patel’s death, there were repeated demands to abolish the Privy Purses, but Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru refused to do so. Appalled at these demands, Menon remarked:
“As an honourable party to an agreement, we cannot take the stand that we shall accept only that part of the settlement which confers rights on us, and repudiate or whittle down that part which defines our obligations. As a nation aspiring to give a moral lead to the world, let it not be said of us that we know the ‘price of everything, and the value of nothing’.”
PRIVY PURSE CASE-
In the 1967 election, several rulers had joined the Swatantra Party headed by C. Rajagopalachari, and many of them defeated Congress candidates. Indira Gandhi was, therefore, determined to abolish the Privy Purses. On June 25, 1967, the All India Congress passed a resolution to abolish them. The Constitution (Twenty-fourth Amendment) Bill, 1970 was introduced and passed in the Lok Sabha by a majority of 332:154 votes, but it was defeated in the Rajya Sabha by 149:75. Having failed in Parliament, Indira Gandhi asked President V.V. Giri to derecognise all the rulers. This derecognition was successfully challenged by N.A. Palkhivala before the Supreme Court in the historic Privy Purses case. Indira Gandhi’s landslide victory in the 1971 election enabled her to amend the Constitution that abolished the Privy Purses and extinguished all rights and privileges of the rulers. In Parliament, Indira Gandhi stated that the concept of Privy Purses and special privileges were incompatible with an “egalitarian social order.”
Thus, just 20 years later, the Congress Party, of which Sardar Patel was a member, betrayed the solemn constitutional guarantee given to the rulers by the Constituent Assembly. It was primarily on the assurance of Sardar Patel that the rulers signed the Instruments of Accession that created a united India.
In the end, the abolition of Privy Purses will remain one of the most shameful events in our constitutional history. The nation saved Rs.4 crore annually but lost its honour. It is equally regrettable that neither the Janata Party in 1977 nor any subsequent non-Congress government did anything to redeem Patel’s pledge. What purpose will, then, be served by spending Rs.2,500 crore to build the tallest statue in his memory?
Note - Finally Happy to hear Govt of India Under Great Prime Minister Shri Narendra Damodar Das Modi Ji for Recognized the Contribution of Our(native) ancestors the Sacrifices for The Akhanda Bharata Struggle of whole Millenia.
No comments:
Post a Comment