Thursday, September 17, 2020

EVOLUTION OF WORDS RAJANYA > KSHATRIYA > RAJPUTRA - IMMORTAL RAJPUTS



With regard to the Rajputs, their methodology is to look, not at the evolution of word as shown in literature and inscriptions, but to study the clans that were first called Rajput. Since many of these clans grew powerful after the time of Harshvardhan of Kannauj, --

These distorians insist that these clans were Hinduised foreigners—particularly Sakas and Huns, forgetting that Rajputs at several occasions themselves fought the Huns to throw them out of the country.

Correct. Rajah doesn’t mean just king. It is also used to describe the varna. Put & Putra are same (तद्भव और तत्सम शब्द). Both words mean ‘son’

What's this obsession with rajput?
Rajputra = rajpoot/rajput
Suputra = sapoot

Why would you find that word before 8th century when hindi itself isn't as old as sanskrit?

Rajputs are a later addition to the Indian population because the word 'Rajput' does not appear before 8th century. Okay. So by that logic Hindus did not exist before Arabs and Persians introduced the word 'Hindu'. Is that what they say ....


Rajputs were always there as Rajputras but the word "Rajput" wasn't.

We can be no Scholar but it's common sense

Tukde tukde ....should read The Beautiful Tree: Indigenous Indian Education in the Eighteenth Century. See the use of word Rajah.



Screenshot from - A History of Rajasthan By Rima Hooja.

Delhi Shivalik Pillar inscription dating to A.D. 1163 of Chauhan King Virgharaj IV (Bisaldev) refers to his Mahamantri (CM) as Rajaputra Sallakshanpal.

Here it shows that not only the son of a king Called Rajputra but also the sons of other Kshatriyas are called Rajputra.


(Now here it says rajputto and not rajput, few adamant bharat breaking brigade ones won't recognize this as legitimate, But they will recognise Brahmano as Brahmin 😂😂😂)

Pre-8th cent CE? How about a Pālī text from 3rd -1st c BCE?

राजपुत्तो is clearly used in खुद्दकनिकाय of सुत्तपिटक in sense of Kshatriya and not a “king’s son”

न ब्राह्मणो नोम्हि न राजपुत्तो,
न वेस्सायनो उद कोचि नोम्हि।
गोत्तं परिञ्‍ञाय पुथुज्‍जनानं,
अकिञ्‍चनो मन्त चरामि लोके॥


A Pālī text composed after first  council of the great Aśoka, which was in 3rd cen. BCE, refers 'Rajput' in the sense of a 'Kshatriya' or a class of nobility. 


It also talks about the solar decent of Prince Siddhartha. He is said to have belonged to the family of solar kings of Koshal kingdom in north.

This proves that solar and lunar descent isn't a post Gupta Era myth, and is older than the very term 'Hindu' in this subcontinent.

Source: Regmi, D. R. Inscriptions of Ancient Nepal. Vol. 2.


Take for instance the early 7th century Sanga inscription of Nepal. In this inscription, the chief minister Vikramasena was designated as "Rajaputra". He was NOT the king's son. He was not even related to King Amsuvarman. This debunks LIE that Rajaputra only meant "king's son"

Again, the word 'Rajaputra" occurs in the Khura stone inscription of Huna king Toramana (Punjab).

In this inscription, Toramana refers to others as Rajputs. If Rajputs were Huna invders, why did Toramana not call himself "Rajaputra".

This inscription debunks the myth


Rajaputra is a title given only to the those born in the royal caste and who are appointed in administrative position. Not to any stranger or other non royal caste.

In tamilnadu the vellalas hold the title Pillai, the equivalent of rajaputra.

But distorians forgot that there's only a limited usage of word Kshatriya in Rig Veda, Rajanya is the word used in place of it. Hence by these Golu Logic, Kshatriyas emerged only after Rajanya was replaced by this word in later vedic period.


Except Purush Sukta there's no reference of word Brahmin in Rig Veda. So acc to Golus, they also landed on earth as soon as people started calling them Brahmins.

But these Golus doesn't know that Rajanya was a lineage based identity as Rajput, unlike the word kshatriya.


Both of the words were interchangeable and were never used for anyone else but Kshatriyas. In post vedic period Rajanya was mostly replaced by the word Kshatriya, but still the words were used as synonym. In most of the buddhist texts,word 'Khattiya' is used to denote Kshatriyas.

 
For illiterate Commies who think Rajputra word is medieval invention, 'Abhinishkramana Sutra',2000 yr old buddhist source,calls Buddha a 'Rajaputra', Buddha at this time was an ascetic, who left his home & was neither a ruling Monarch nor his son still he was called a Rajputra.

Still Buddha in Abhinishkramana Sutra, one of earliest buddhist sources, calls Buddha a 'Rajaputra' as a synonym of word Kshatriya. In the pre medieval era, Kshatriya & Rajputs were used as a synonym to denote the kshatriyas, as one would see that most of the Rajput clans of today called themselves Kshatriyas only, in their earliest inscriptions, but still the word Rajput/Rajputra was used interchangeably with Kshatriya even in 10th century,





We have Al Masudi's record to show that the King of Kandhar was a Rajput in 953 AD. --

Hemchandra (1088-1172 CE) used the word Rajaputrakiah in the sense of Rajputs. The Mount Abu inscription dated 1230 CE, speaks of “all the Rajaputras of the illustrious Pratihara clan”. Merutunga in Prabandhachintamani (1305 CE) speaks of “five hundred Rajaputras of the Paramars.

The term although used in many parts of India gained currency in Western India (Rajasthan-Gujarat-Malwa) as the name for Kshatriyas of royal lineage. Rajputs/Kshatriyas in other parts, as well as their clan brothers were still called as Kshatriyas only.

In the earliest Indian text (the Rig Veda dating back several millennia) the word jan refers to a tribe/people while the ruler or protector of that tribe is called the Ra-jan . The Rajan’s wife is called the Rajani and his brothers, cousins, and nephews are called Rajanyas (also pronounced Rajanka ). These Rajanyas provided the armed strength to protect the jan while the Rajan was their leader in war and an administrator/judge in times of peace.

In later times Rajan evolved into Raja (King), Rajani into Rani (Queen), and Rajanya into Rana (chieftain). Such changes were of course more immediate in the spoken languages like Prakrit 3  or Apabhramsa 3 and slower in the classical language of Sanskrit. As an illustration, the Pratihara clan have recorded an inscription near modern Jodhpur (dated 837 CE), which refers to their queen as the Maharajni (great queen)…this rajni would be an Apabhramsa word from the original Sanskrit rajani . A second example, this time from the east, will further illustrate this process of word evolution. The Bhanja dynasty in Orissa issued copper-plate grants in the 9th Century that mention princes with the title of Ranak  …again an Apabhramsa word between the Rajanka of ancient times and the Rana of a later age 

As populations grew and tribal territories expanded into monarchies, the Rajanyas must have become landowners/rulers in their own right with the word Rana becoming a hereditary title. And when these Rajanyas became chieftains another word was needed for the mass of ordinary soldiers and nobles who were not chiefs—this new word was Kshatriya or warrior. It is in this later Vedic age that we read for the first time of the word Rajaputra (the Raja’s son).


This is the right place to mention the historical personalities associated with the word Rajaputra . The famous founder of Buddhism, Siddharth, was a prince who left his family to contemplate the meaning of life. Since he never returned to become king after his father’s death, he was always called Rajaputra Siddharth in all Buddhist texts. This was in the 7th Century BCE—more than eighteen centuries before the Turk-Rajput wars!


The second historic personality is Harshvardhan, the younger brother of Rajyavardhan, in the Kingdom of Thanesar. The elder brother became ruler of Kannauj in the 7th Century CE while Harshvardhan , as the junior prince, was called the Rajaputra Siladitya. Even after becoming king Harsh continued with the designation of Rajaputra until his position on the throne was secure…all this happened 600 years before the Turk-Rajput wars. In fact, Rajaputras as the upper or royal segment of kshatriyas is mentioned repeatedly in Bana’s Harshacharita . The two sons of the king of Malava who took shelter in Thanesar, Kumaragupta II and Madhavagupta, are called Malava Rajaputra. The Madhavgupta of this passage is identical with a king of that name mentioned in the Aphsad inscription as having allied with Harshavardhana.


Rajput is not a clan. It's an umbrella term for several Kshatriya clans who came from different parts of India. Even the Pala Kings of Bengal (Buddhist)used the phrase Rājaputra for their princes.


Kshatriya is our identity, not Rajput or Thakur.
Our primary identity is our Clan. From the 12th century onwards, our kshatriya clans were compiled in Jain text Kumarpala Prabandh and Varnaratnakar.


Every clan has a distinct history. 

The break-up of the Maurya Empire in northwest India and the intrusion of foreign powers like the Yavans, Sakas, and Kushans, led to some interesting changes in the use of titles, which is described in this post.


So while the big powers began using high-sounding titles, this also had its impact on the clan-states that were subject them (or resisted them). The map displays the location of these clans (all in small fonts) against the major powers (in big fonts)…as can be seen clearly they are mostly located in the western and northern parts of India while the northwest is under foreign rule.


This is a beautiful silver coin of the Kuninda warrior clan, located in modern Himachal Pradesh. The legend in Prakrit (Brahmi script): " Rajnah Kunindasya Amoghabhutisya Maharajasya ". Amoghabhuti was the ruler of the Kuninda warrior clan and had taken the high-sounding personal title of Maharaja. However, he continued with his traditional rank of being the head of the clan…which is Rajan. His leading clansmen would’ve been called Rajanyas, which as we know evolved into the title of Rana in the plains.

But in the Himalayan territories, where these republics survived for a longer period than in the plains, Rana has been preserved as a surname for a section of the Rajput population from Himachal to Nepal.


Land ownership

When discussing warriors and wars it is important to also understand the economics of war, particularly related to the changing ideas of land usage and ownership. In the republican age of the Rajan and his Rajanyas land was owned and protected by the entire community. In the age of monarchies and empires, land was privately owned but there was still a centrally organized government that could re-assign such land to others.

The break-up of the Maurya Empire and the intrusion of foreign powers in the northwest  resulted in the growth of small-state mindedness (miscalled feudalism), or the loyalty of a clan only to its own kingdom. These ruling clans, which long resisted the foreigners and kept their old democratic setup intact, were eventually dissolved and emerged into kingdoms. Even so, the small-state mindedness had become so entrenched in the northwestern and western (Rajasthan-Gujarat-Malwa) regions that its effects were felt down the centuries.


In a later age (Guptas down to Pratihars) land grants by ruling clans to sub-clans also became hereditary and armies eventually became clannish. This was particularly true for the region covered by modern Rajasthan—the earliest Pratihar kings and their Chauhan, Parmar, Chaulukya, and Guhilot feudatories had clan-based armies. In any case, hereditary ownership of lands by a hierarchy of chieftains prevented the formation of a centrally organized army as in the case of the Mauryas.

But this very hierarchy gave strength and stability to the local defense, which proved crucial in preserving the independence of Rajasthan throughout the period of Islamic invasions. For these two reasons Rajput history is counted as beginning from the reign of the Pratihars.

While the word Rajaputra was known from ancient times, its use in the administration of the big powers began with the Gupta Empire as described here. Their successors across North and Central India continued titling their royal princes as “Rajaputra” and sending them to govern the provinces. And since land ownership, and even administrative posts, had become hereditary by then, many of the younger Rajaputras became feudal chieftains. With the Islamic invasions, and the destruction of the big kingdoms, these chieftains became the leaders of the resistance against the foreigners, and the word Rajput became a symbol of the unconquerable spirit of India’s traditional warrior clans.

In this image “Rajaputra Kirtipala (1160 AD)” is the Chauhan ruler of Nadol, a branch of the mainline at Ajmer.

Late in the 12th Century CE, while the Turk invasions were taking place in the north, the rulers of Jaypura (in modern Bihar) also left inscriptions that mention one of their princes who pre-deceased his father as Rajaputra Krishnagupta. The Lalrai inscription is dated “on the 3rd of the bright half of Vaisakha in the [Vikrama] year 1233”, and speaks of the Chauhan princes (Rajaputra) Lakhanapala and Abhayapala as the rulers of that territory in south Rajasthan.

Hemchandra (1088-1172 CE) used the word Rajaputrakiah in the sense of Rajputs. The Mount Abu inscription dated 1230 CE, speaks of “all the Rajaputras of the illustrious Pratihara clan”. Merutunga in Prabandhachintamani (1305 CE) speaks of “five hundred Rajaputras of the Paramara clan”. The term although used in many parts of India gained currency in Western India (Rajasthan-Gujarat-Malwa) as the name for Kshatriyas of royal lineage.


Military Developments

Due to the Turk invasions, Rajaputra could not evolve into another title, because the numerous Rajaputra chieftains were at the forefront of resisting these invasions. It evolved into the term Rajput, which was used for those warriors that owned land and protected their people from strong forts. These Rajaputras, from their experience at Tarain and other battles, relied more on cavalry…hence it can be also said that the cavalry portion of the old Hindu armies was now classed as Rajputs.

The infantry portion, as was common in other parts of the world, was formed of agricultural classes like the Jats, Gujjars, Ahirs, etc. Even today there are many Chauhans in Haryana and UP that are classed as Jats…these are probably descended from the infantrymen of Prithviraj Chauhan. These agricultural classes did not have the resources to fight against the Turks of that period, moreover converting them was not a priority since the first target of every Islamic onslaught around the world have been the rulers and warriors. So as long as they paid land revenue these agricultural classes were left alone, accounting for their relatively higher population in those regions today when compared to the Rajputs.


Brahmin ancestors of certain Rajput clans?

In the early inscriptions of the Pratihara clan, they describe their ancestor Harichandra as a Brahmin, but in those same inscriptions assert that he was born in the family of the Ikshvaku prince Lakshmana. Similar contradictions are seen in the inscriptions of the Guhilot Rajputs of Mewar. In the inscriptions, two of their early rulers are termed vipra, which means Brahmin, and yet the oldest inscription of the clan at Naravahana (971 CE) asserts that their ancestry was Raghuvamsa-Kirtipisunah (in the lineage of Rama of the suryavanshi line). Any of the three possibilities can explain these contradictions:

These truly were Brahmin clans that took up the profession of arms and acquired Rajput status.
These were Rajputs some of whose rulers also studied the scriptures and gained the additional recognition of “Brahmin”.
As heads of state, these rulers were also protectors of the dharma and were sometimes required to perform priestly functions.
What is most significant about these inscriptions is that only some of the individual rulers, and not the entire clan, are described as Brahmins, which strengthens the case of the second and third possibilities.


Colonial myths on Rajputs


This post can be concluded with a cursory glance at the theories propounded by colonial and leftist historians to account for the emergence of the word Rajput in Indian History. To be fair to the colonial historians they worked under certain limitations. Many of them believed, quite passionately, that the world had been created in 4004 BCE by an old man in white robes called God—much of their study of history was colored by this mistaken belief. Secondly, archaeological remains were at that time not fully excavated, inscriptions had yet to be translated, coins of several rulers had not been found…for these reasons they cannot be faulted for creating modern myths to explain developments of Indian History.


The leftists did not have these limitations—

they deliberately disregarded material evidence to continue the myth-making of the colonial historians. With regard to the Rajputs, their methodology is to look, not at the evolution of word as shown in literature and inscriptions, but to study the clans that were first called Rajput. Since many of these clans emerged after the time of Harshvardhan of Kannauj these historians insist that these clans were Hinduised foreigners—particularly Sakas and Huns.

Now new clans have emerged in the ancient times and they continued to emerge in very late periods also—but in these cases, no one pointed out any foreign connection. More importantly, neither the colonial historians nor the leftists provide any material evidence to back their claims—in the shape of literature, inscriptions, coins, etc. It would be tiresome to list the various versions of this hypothesis: the upper class of foreigners was called Rajputs the others became Gujjars, Jats etc (!), the Brahmins converted the foreigners for protection against Sakas (!), the Muslim rulers called themselves Rajputs, and so on.

Why should the word Rajput be applied or adopted out of the blue to or by foreigners? But more importantly, if they did adopt this word, or were called so, why did it only emerge several centuries later? What did they call themselves until then? In the light of the facts presented in the previous posts these ideas appear to be quite weird and have no basis in fact. The postulation of the foreign-origin theory for Rajputs came out of the same process, which saw the postulation of the Aryan Theory in the same period and by the same colonial historians. In the latter case too, the leftists faithfully reproduced and defended the myth-making by the colonial historians.



Titles of two editions of the same book: History of Mediaeval Hindu India ~ C.V. Vaidya.

One is from 1924 and the other 1979.

C.V. Vaidya Died in 1938.

They aren't even trying to hide their hatred for Rajputs anymore. 


So, all and all its clear these commies Golu deliberately want to change the narrative to suite their pay masters. There's a reason why commies are attacking Brahmans & Rajputs, to devoid us of the nationalistic spirit, just what the britishers did.

Typical misrepresentation of both Varna and Jati. You are a Brahmin when you are indifferent to every comfort.  A Kshatriya when you help others even if it costs you. A Vaishya when you help others and expect something in return. A shudra when you meet your needs first and last.

Because they all know When Hindus were 8 Crores they maintained & worshipped at 40,000 Temples but when Hindus are a Billion, thousands of temples are lying in ruins, no worship, no maintenance.

700 years under Mullas, 150 years under Xtians we kept our Faith but 70 years of Secularism.


Wednesday, September 16, 2020

BABA KEDARNATH



Kedarnath which is among the char dhams and 12 jyotirlinga, situated at an astonishing height of 11,755 ft above sea level, lies in the lap of beautiful Himalayan mountains near the head of Mandakini River.


The name "Kedarnath" is derived from the Sanskrit words kedara (field) and nath (lord) means “lord of the field".

Actually, kedarnath got famous because of the kedarnath temple and its mysteries.


Kedarnath Temple is among the 275 temples of Paadal Petra Sthalams (the most powerful Shiva temples in the world) and is also the most important among the Panch Kedars and 12 jyotirlinga. It is made from gray hunk of stones.



The stone slabs are interlocked with each other with the use of iron clamps. No mortar has been used in the construction of the temple.

The story of Kedarnatha Jyotirlinga is described in Chapter 19 Kotirudra Samhita of Shiva Purana. According to that-


“Nara-Nārāyaņa, the two incarnations of Visnu, are performing penance at Badrikāśrama Khanda in Bhārata-varsa. Śiva, in order to accept their worship of the Pärthiva-linga arrives there daily. Once Nara-Nārāyana asked shiva to stay there forever for their adoration.


Hence, shiva got himself established over the snow clad Kedara mountain, in Jyotirlinga.”

Śiva is found present there in the form of Kedaresvara. The lord fulfills the desires of all who have an audience with the linga or worship it.


According to historians, Some say Raja Bhoj of Malwa, built the temple while another theory is that the temple was built in the 8th century by Adi Shankracharya. There is also a legend that Pandavas built a temple. But there is no mention of kedarnath in Mahabharat.




According to scientists of Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology, Dehradun, Kedarnath temple survived being buried under the snow for almost 4oo years. 

Scientists point out that the period between 1300-1900 AD is known as Little Ice Age,




when a large portion of the earth was covered by the snow. It is believed that during the period Kedarnath temple and neighbouring are was covered by snow and became a part of glaciers.

Actually, the entire area of Kedarnath is a part of Chorabari glacier.



The temple is surrounded by mountains from 3 sides. According to the legend the area also has 5 rivers Mandakini, Madhuganga, Chhirganga, Saraswati & Swarndari but some of don’t exist today.

Archaeological studies too suggest the minimum age of the temple is about 3,000 years



However, the inscriptions on the wall of the temple date back to 650-850 AD. They describe the beauty of the temple, but there is no mention of snow, glaciers or ice. This raises three possibilities: (a) There was a glacier but it was beyond the present location of the temple ;
(b) the temple was built when there was no glacier in the area, or (c) there was a glacier and the temple was constructed after cutting through the snow.

The temple structure has several yellow lines, which were possibly formed as the glacier slowing moved over the stones.
It means that the temple has not only survived being under the snow for 400 years but also escaped any serious damage due to glacial movement. Now what should we call it a miracle or bhakti ki shakti?

Apart from that, two things that which make this temple more special are-
1. The interior beauty describing the indian epics including a small hall in front of the Kedarnath Temple beams with images of Parvati and the 5 pandavas. The hall at the entrance of the temple is decorated with statues of Lord Krishna, the Pandavas, Draupadi, Nandi, Virbhadra.

2. All the rituals are performed by members of the Rawal community who belong to the Veera Shaiva Sangam community of Karnataka. Since the 10th century AD, the pooja here has been carried out in Kannada language and in the same pattern and sequence.


Apart from kedarnath temple there are few more places which adds its beauty at the best. They are-

1. Bhairav Temple: It is a temple dedicated to Bhaironath who is ceremoniously worshipped at the opening & closing of Kedarnath Temple.
2. Agastya Muni: It is believed to have been the home of the sage Agstya Rishi. There is a temple here called Agasteshwar Mahadev Temple which is dedicated to Shiva. 

3. Chorabhari Tal, situated at an altitude of 3,900 m, offers a magnificent view of the Himalayan Peaks.



According to the Puranas, in the coming years, the present Badrinath Dham and Kedareshwar Dham will disappear and a new dham named Bhavidabhadri will arise in future and people believe that there are 2 mountains, the day these mountains will join each other, this will happen.

Tuesday, September 8, 2020

NADIR SHAH INVASION AND COLLAPSE OF MUGHAL EMPIRE

Image of Mughal Emperor Muhammad shah with King of Persia Nadir shah

Emperor Nader Shah, the Shah of Persia (1736–47) and the founder of the Afsharid dynasty of Persia, invaded the Mughal Empire, eventually attacking Delhi in March 1739. His army had easily defeated the Mughals at the battle at Karnal and would eventually capture the Mughal capital in the aftermath of the battle.

The Mughal empire had been weakened by ruinous wars of succession in the three decades following the death of Aurangzeb, the Hindu Marathas of the Maratha Empire had captured vast swathes of territory in Central and Northern India, whilst many of the Mughal nobles had asserted their independence and founded small states. Its ruler, Muhammad Shah, proved unable to stop the disintegration of the empire. The imperial court administration was corrupt and weak whereas the country was extremely rich whilst Delhi’s prosperity and prestige was still at a high. Nader Shah, attracted by the country's wealth, sought plunder like so many other foreign invaders before him.

Nader had asked Muhammad Shah to close the Mughal frontiers around Kabul so that the Afghan rebels he was fighting against, may not seek refuge in Kabul. Even though the Emperor agreed, he practically took no action. Nader seized upon this as a pretext for war. Together with his Georgian subject Erekle II (Heraclius II), who took part in the expedition as a commander leading a contingent of Georgian troops, the long march had begun. He defeated his Afghan enemies fleeing into the Hindu Kush and also seized major cities such as Ghazni, Kabul and Peshawar before advancing onto the Punjab and capturing Lahore. Nader advanced to the river Indus before the end of year as the Mughals mustered their army against him.

Massacre at Delhi 
The Afsharid occupation led to price increases in the city. The city administrator attempted to fix prices at a lower level and Afsharid troops were sent to the market at Paharganj, Delhi to enforce them. However, the local merchants refused to accept the lower prices and this resulted in violence during which some Afsharid troops were assaulted and killed.

When a rumour spread that Nadir had been assassinated by a female guard at the Red Fort, some Indians attacked and killed Afsharid troops during the riots that broke out on the night of 21 March. Nadir, furious at the killings, retaliated by ordering his soldiers to carry out the notorious qatl-e-aam (qatl = killing, aam = common public, in open) of Delhi.

On the morning of 22 March, the Shah rode out in full armour and took a seat at the Sunehri Masjid of Roshan-ud-dowla  near the Kotwali Chabutra in the middle of Chandni Chowk. He then, to the accompaniment of the rolling of drums and the blaring of trumpets, unsheathed his great battle sword in a grand flourish to the great and loud acclaim and wild cheers of the Afsharid troops present. This was the signal to start the onslaught and carnage. Almost immediately, the fully armed Afsharid army of occupation turned their swords and guns on to the unarmed and defenceless civilians in the city. The Afsharid soldiers were given full licence to do as they pleased and promised a share of the booty as the city was plundered.

Areas of Delhi such as Chandni Chowk and Dariba Kalan, Fatehpuri, Faiz Bazar, Hauz Kazi, Johri Bazar and the Lahori, Ajmeri and Kabuli gates, all of which were densely populated by both Hindus and Muslims, were soon covered with corpses. Muslims, like Hindus, resorted to killing their women, children and themselves rather than submit to the Afsharid soldiers.

In the words of the Tazkira:

"Here and there some opposition was offered, but in most places people were butchered unresistingly. The Persians laid violent hands on everything and everybody. For a long time, streets remained strewn with corpses, as the walks of a garden with dead leaves and flowers. The town was reduced to ashes."

Muhammad Shah was forced to beg for mercy. These horrific events were recorded in contemporary chronicles such as the Tarikh-e-Hindi of Rustam Ali, the Bayan-e-Waqai of Abdul Karim and the Tazkira of Anand Ram Mukhlis.

Finally, after many hours of desperate pleading by the Mughals for mercy, Nadir Shah relented and signalled a halt to the bloodshed by sheathing his battle sword once again.

Casualties
It has been estimated that during the course of six hours in one day, 22 March 1739, approximately 20,000 to 30,000 Indian men, women and children were slaughtered by the Afsharid troops during the massacre in the city. Exact casualty figures are uncertain, as after the massacre, the bodies of the victims were simply buried in mass burial pits or cremated in grand funeral pyres without any proper record being made of the numbers cremated or buried.

Plunder
Tavernier's illustration of the Koh-i-noor under different angles
The city was sacked for several days. An enormous fine of 20 million rupees was levied on the people of Delhi. Muhammad Shah handed over the keys to the royal treasury, and lost the Peacock Throne, to Nadir Shah, which thereafter served as a symbol of Persian imperial might. Amongst a treasure trove of other fabulous jewels, Nadir also gained the Koh-i-Noor and Darya-i-Noor ("Mountain of Light" and "Sea of Light," respectively) diamonds; they are now part of the British and Iranian Crown Jewels, respectively. Nader and his Afsharid troops left Delhi at the beginning of May 1739, but before they left, he ceded back all territories to the east of the Indus which he had overrun to Muhammad Shah.

Aftermath

From "Hindus Beyond the Hindu Kush: Indians in the Central Asian Slave Trade" article

Collapse of Mughal power in early 18th century resulted in great reduction of Indian slaves in Central Asia.

The plunder seized from Delhi was so rich that Nadir stopped taxation in Persia for a period of three years following his return. Nadir Shah's victory against the crumbling Mughal Empire in the East meant that he could afford to turn to the West and face the Ottomans. The Ottoman Sultan Mahmud I initiated the Ottoman-Persian War (1743-1746), in which Muhammad Shah closely cooperated with the Ottomans until his death in 1748.

Nader's Indian campaign alerted, as a far off foreign invader, also the British East India Company to the extreme weakness of the Mughal Empire and the possibility of expanding to fill the power vacuum.

THE BANKRUPTCY OF INDIA - AN INVESTIGATION UNDER CROWN




When Englishmen speak and write of the history of India, they too often forget what an insignificant portion of that history the record of our conquest and domination really forms. Three thousand years ago the nations of India were a collection of wealthy, and, in a sense, highly-civilised peoples, with at least one great language, with an elaborate code of laws and social regulations, possessed of exquisite artistic taste and beautiful manufactures of many kinds, and endowed with religious ideas and philosophic thoughts which have great — we still scarcely know how greatly — influenced the development of the most progressive races of the West. Perhaps the noblest teacher and moralist that ever lived, Sakya Mouni, was a Hindoo ; the Code of Menu, of the ninth century before our era, is still as essential a study for the jurist as the Laws of the Twelve Tables or the Institutes of Justinian ; the philosophers of India held their own even with men who had argued with Aristotle and Alexander ; Akbar, the Mahommedan, was the greatest monarch that ever ruled the East ; while even in later times nations over whom we hold supremacy have proved that they have among them no unworthy descendants of the authors of the Vedas and the Mahabharat, of the architects of the Taj Mahal or Beejapore, of Toder Mull and Nana Furvana, of Baber and Hyder Ali. Yet to read nine-tenths of what has been written on Indian life and administration of late years by Anglo-Indian officials, we should almost believe that civilised government in India began with the English Raj ; that, but for our intervention, anarchy and ignorance would have been striving for mastery in the benighted country which we have been appointed by Providence to rescue from its unhappy fate ; and that to hand over the direct government to a much greater degree to the ablest natives would be gross injustice to the people of India.

There is little basis for such contentions as these, though they find so much favour with our Indian bureaucracy. It is safe to say, for example, that never at any period was the condition of India more anarchical than that of France, Germany, the Low Countries, and Italy during a great portion of the Middle Ages. Thugs and dacoits were at no time more dangerous or more cruel than the bands of ecorcheurs, robbers, and freebooters who roamed at will through some of the finest regions of Europe. The exactions of the feudal chieftains were in many cases worse than the heaviest demands made by Rajahs or Nawabs ; the dues to the Church were certainly not less onerous than the tithes to the Brahmins. Nadir Shah's sack of Delhi — a foreign conqueror's revenge, by the way — was horrible ; but not worse than the Constable de Bourbon's sack of Rome. Yet he would be a bold man who should urge that the Pax Romana, with its blight of the great slave-worked estates, and constant drain of wealth to the metropolis, was better for the mass of the people than even the turbulence and oppression of the period of the Crusades. Progress was going on all the time ; and we can now see that what has often been called anarchy was but the commencement of a newer and more vigorous life, due to the barbarian invasion. It may be that our interference checked a similar development in India, following on the gradual break up of the Mogul Empire of Delhi. At any rate, we have no right to claim that we have benefited the country, until evidence has been given that the mass of the people are really better off under our domination than they were, or than they are, under native rule. That is the test of the merit of all governments, home or foreign. Do they or do they not secure increased welfare for the body of the people governed?

There is but one way in which to answer such a question, or to learn to appreciate our true relation to India; and that is by a careful study, without a tinge of national prejudice, of the real history of India and of our connection with the country. To do this effectively calls not only for industry but for imagination. It is difficult enough for us to comprehend another period of the history of our own race, here in our own country, to appreciate the different forms of production, to follow the varying relations of social life, to grasp the substance of the forms of government and administration at distant epochs. If this be so with our own people, how much harder is it to enter into the national life and development of a number of Asiatic nations bound together for a comparatively short time under our alien rule, but whose growth for thousands of years has gone on in conditions so entirely dissimilar, that it needs an effort of the mind to reach the period when the two civilisations had a common starting-point ? Our national characteristics are not favourable to such a comprehension as is really needed ; and, great as has been the work done by some noble Englishmen in this field, it needs only to cite such a passage as follows to show the initial drawbacks which have to be surmounted in endeavouring to get to know the population. " Englishmen in India have less opportunity than might be expected of forming opinions of the native character. Even in England few know much of the people beyond their own class, and what they do know they learn from newspapers and publications of a description which does not exist in India. In that country, also, religion and manners put bars to our intimacy with the natives, and limit the number of transactions, as well as the free communication of opinions. We know nothing of the interior of families but by report, and have no share in those numerous occurrences of life in which the amiable parts of character are most exhibited. Missionaries of a different religion, judges, police magistrates, officers of revenue or customs, and even diplomatists, do not see the most virtuous portion of a native, nor any portion, unless when influenced by passion or occupied by some personal interest. What we do see we judge by our own standard. ... It might be argued in opposition to many unfavourable testimonies that those who have known the Indians longest have always the best opinion of them ; but this is rather a compliment to human nature than to them, since it is true of every other people. It is more to the point, that all persons who have retired from India, think better of the people they have left after comparing them with others even of the most justly-admired nations." This was written by Mountstuart Elphinstone more than thirty years ago, but it is in the main as true now as it was then.

Again, in reference to mere taxation and administration, our difficulties of understanding, even after an experience of a hundred years, are surely very great, arising in part out of the very nature of the case. There is no more ardent admirer of the virtues — I had nearly added, and of the vices — of our rule in India than Sir Henry Maine. Yet he says that to him there is "the heaviest presumption against the existence in any part of India of a form of ownership conferring the exact rights on the proprietor which are given to the present English ownership in fee simple ; " and he shows the impossibility of arriving at any clear notion as to competitive rent in that country. Moreover, he gives the following admirable summary of the hopelessness of foreigners attempting to deal practically with that very land revenue which is the sheet-anchor of our revenue in India, as it has been of every Government that ruled the country before us. " Do you, on entering on the settlement of a new province, find that a peasant proprietary has been displaced by an oligarchy of vigorous usurpers, and do you think it expedient to take the Government dues from the once oppressed yeomen ? The result is the immediate decline, and consequently bitter discontent of the class above them, who find themselves sinking to the level of mere annuitants on the land. Such was the land settlement of Oudh, which was shattered to pieces by the Sepoy mutiny of 1857, and which greatly affected its course. Do you, reversing this policy, arrange that the superior holder shall be answerable to Government ? You find that you have created a landed aristocracy which has no parallel in wealth or power, except the proprietors of English soil. Of this nature is the more modern settlement of the province of Oudh only recently consummated, and such will ultimately be the position of the Talukdars or Barons, among whom its soil has been divided. Do you adopt a policy different from either of those which I have indicated, and make your arrangements with representatives of the village community ? You find you have arrested a process of change which was steadily proceeding. You have given, to this peculiar proprietary group a vitality which it was losing, and a stiffness to the relations of the various classes composing it which they never had before."*

In this brief historical sketch which is given as an introduction to a more exact examination of our present financial system in India, no pretence is made therefore to do more than summarise the main facts. Probably more than one generation will pass before it is possible to make a fair survey of our connection with the country and its results. When such a survey is made there is too much reason to fear that the estimate of the value of our services to India will more nearly resemble that which we ourselves now place on the services rendered by the Spaniards to South America, than the exaggerated view of the beneficence of our administration which is generally taken among us to-day.

The first attempts of the English to establish direct trade with India were made in the reign of the Emperor Akbar. They were unsuccessful, nor was it until after the missions of Captain Hawkins and Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of Jehangir that a factory and settlement were obtained at Surat on favourable terms. Akbar's reign of fifty years was, in all probability, the most prosperous period for the mass of the people that had been seen since the downfall of the ancient Chalookya dynasty. This was chiefly due to the firmness with which he maintained his power, and to the justice and considerateness of his taxation. The settlement of the land revenue was carried out by the famous Rajah Toder Mull, though there is little doubt that the arrangements were in existence before, and were only equitably reduced to order by him. According to the Code of Menu one-fifth of the produce could be taken ; by Toder Mull's regulations one-third was nominally so taken on an average of ten years. This payment, which had gradually come to be made in money, was confirmed in that sense ; though the proportion might be paid in kind if the money payment were alleged to be too onerous ; and the exaction was very rarely pressed in hard times. Where the system of farming the revenue was the rule, both before and after these arrangements, a larger proportion was exacted, and in some exceptional cases the taxation was pushed to such a point that the villagers left their lands, and fled for the time, or until a better state of things was established.

Under Akbar's arrangement, with the addition of certain cesses on trades and other duties of the nature of an octroi, no less than £30,000,000 were paid annually into the Imperial treasury, nor, though the people were much more oppressed and the public peace was much more disturbed under his successors, is there any reason to believe that a less sum was collected by the various emperors of the Mogul dynasty until the great Mahratta conquests and the break up of the empire.* For one hundred and seventy years it is stated by competent authorities that this was the lowest amount of the Imperial revenue ; and when the period is taken into consideration, as well as the large jaghires and rent-free grants given to favourites, this sum, drawn from 150,000,000 people at the outside, certainly represents a much larger revenue than has ever been collected under our rule.

* (Mr. W. W. Hunter, who is paid £3,000 a year as Director-General of the Statistical Department in Calcutta, partly in order that he may act as Advocate General of the Indian Government in Edinburgh, puts Akbar's revenue at £42, 000,000, and Aurungzib's revenue in all at £80,000,000 yearly, which of course strengthens the argument in the text.)

Nevertheless, save immediately after some out-break or invasion, there was no evidence that the country was impoverished ; while during the whole period the manufactures of India were, as they had been for centuries before, sought after all over the earth. All the early travellers were struck by the display of wealth, and our rising industries were obliged to be protected against Indian competition. Aurungzib's renewal of the poll-tax on Hindoos, which had been abrogated by the wise tolerance of Akbar, was a most oppressive measure politically, and the system of farming the revenue again assumed dangerous and most harmful proportions towards the close of the dynasty ; but it remains true that during the time that we were slowly working our way from being merchants to conquerors, India remained a wealthy country, with a revenue enormous in comparison with that of any European State, and with apparently a great power of rebound from any temporary misfortune, such as a Mahratta rising or an Afghan invasion. Nor should we overlook the fact, that in spite of much cruelty and rapine, the rivalry of the states and rajahs, the display of native courts, the magnificence of native architecture, gave a life and colour to the whole people such as is unknown in British India of our time.

This capacity of rapid recovery from disaster, which has been remarked before by all observers as a striking characteristic of India in the period prior to our invasion, was undoubtedly due to the permanence of the village community. The village community or township was the unit of early Aryan civilisation, as the gens was the unit of the social system in the Gentile organisation of savagery and barbarism. It formed, and in many districts still forms, a complete organism in itself, which can be grouped with, but never absorbed by, other similar organisms. The primitive communal arrangements on which they were based have been handed down from countless generations, and the manner in which the payment of land revenue to a chosen centre arose can now almost certainly be traced. In its origin the arrangement was democratic rather than monarchal. But what concerns us is the steady prosperity and marvellous continuity of these village communities, which were the main element of a society where the enormous majority of the population was agricultural. Thorough masters of their own method of tillage, and well able to deal with problems of irrigation in dry regions which our own engineers have so far failed to grapple with successfully, they are self-supporting, and practically independent of all outsiders. These little republics have each and all their headman, who is chiefly supported by the community which he represents in respect to the government, and administers in a popular way the business of the community in regard to the division of lands, the apportionment of water, etc. The accountant, the watchman, the priest, followed by the smith, the carpenter, the barber, the potter, and others, have all their places in the little society, who are all dependent for their support upon the agriculture of the group, and hand on their avocations from father to son from generation to generation.

If another village is formed, though the extent of territory and number of inhabitants may be different, the same functionaries are provided for, and all take their part in some way in the communal business. In such a case there is absolutely no complete property, but the whole village is responsible for the payment, through the headman, of its percentage of revenue on the crops calculated on land of three degrees of fertility. Clearly these village communities, when grouped in tens or hundreds under the old native system, might afford fine opportunities for plunder to a collector or zemindar of a pergunnah, as the group of a hundred was called. But, in spite of many instances of extortion, there is nothing to show that the country was exhausted by the demands made upon it, and the villages survived the raids and misgovernment of Afghan and Patan, Mogul, Sikh, and Mahratta, who might be masters and conquerors for a time, but the villages still lived on.

"In times of trouble they arm and fortify them- selves ; a hostile army passes through the country ; the village communities collect their cattle within their walls, and let the enemy pass unprovoked. If plunder and devastation be directed against them-selves, and the force employed be irresistible, they flee to friendly villages at a distance ; but, when the storm has passed over, they return and resume their occupations. If a country remain for a series of years the scene of continued pillage and massacre, so that the villages cannot be inhabited, the scattered villagers nevertheless return whenever the power of peaceable possession revives. A generation may pass away, but the succeeding generation will return. The sons will take the places of their fathers; the same site for the village, the same position for the houses, the same lands will be reoccupied by the descendants of those who were driveout when the village was depopulated ; and it is not a trifling matter that will drive them out, for they will often maintain their post through times of disturbance and convulsion, and acquire strength sufficient to resist pillage and oppression with success. This union of the village communities, each one forming a separate little state in itself, has, I conceive, contributed more than any-other cause to the preservation of the people of India through all the revolutions and changes which they have suffered, and is in a high degree conducive to their happiness and to the enjoyment of a great portion of freedom and independence."(Sir Charles Metcalfe).

Tyranny, lawlessness, and rapine might, in short, reign above, while below these conservative communes maintained almost unruffled the peaceful continuity of their existence. Nor should it be forgotten, that great as might be the temporary oppression exercised by the Government, the Rajah, the Nawab, or the Zemindar, the agricultural wealth extorted from the villagers was at least used in the country, and expended on retainers and others. Bad in every way as many of the Mahommedan rulers of India were prior to the Mogul dynasty, they at least lived in the country, and Nadir Shah's loot of Delhi was quite an exceptional event, as well it might be.

An enquiry into the administration of India under the Crown

Including a chapter on the silver question
By Henry Mayers Hyndman (1842-1921)
Published by Swan Sonnenschein, Lowery & Co., London - 1886

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About the Author:

Henry Mayers Hyndman (7 March 1842 – 20 November 1921) was an English writer and politician. Originally a conservative, he was converted to socialism by Marx’s Communist Manifesto, and launched Britain’s first left-wing political party, the Democratic Federation, later known as the Social Democratic Federation, in 1881. Although this attracted notable radicals such as William Morris and George Lansbury, Hyndman was generally disliked as an authoritarian who could not unite his party. He was the first author to popularise Marx’s works in English.

MAHARAWAL LUNKARAN SINGH BHATI AND HALF SAKA OF JAISALMER - IMMORTAL RAJPUTS

 रावल लूणकरण जी पाट बिराजे राज

पनरे सो पिच्यासिये आय हुआ महाराज

आय हुआ महाराज कोठार कराया भारी

उदेपुर बीकानेर परणीज्या करके तेयारी

नवाब अली खां आप दगो कर दीनो कावल

मारे मुसला सर्व अर्ध साके में रावल

 


महारावल जैतसिंह के दूसरे पुत्र महारावल लूणकरण जी जैसलमेर के राज सिंहासन पर विक्रमी संवत 1530 को विराजमान हुए इनके विवाह १ गढ़ ईडर के राव जेतमाल की पुत्री हंसकंवर २ सोढा कुम्भकरण की पुत्री जामकँवर सती हुयी ३ बीकानेर के राठोर राव लूणकरण की पुत्री अमृतकँवर ४ झालाराज चंद्रसेन की पुत्र सुरज्कंवर ५ चितोड़ के सिसोदिया राणा सांगा की पुत्री सरस कँवर से हुए | इनके पुत्र १ मालदेव २ हिंगोलदास ३ रायपाल ४ सूरजमल ५ रायमल ६ दुर्जनसाल ७ सिवदास ८ दूदा 9 हरदास १० हीरजी थे | पुत्रियाँ रामकँवर व उमादेव राव मालदेव गढ़ जोधपुर को परणाइ | 


राजकंवर राणा उदयसिंह उदयपुर परणाइ महारावल लूणकरण ने सर्व प्रथम अपने पिता द्वारा आरंभ किये जेत बांध को पूरण करवाया | यह बांध जैसलमेर से रामगढ़ सड़क पर पांच किलोमीटर पर हे | वर्तमान में इसे बड़ाबाग के नाम से जाना जाता हे | यह बांध इतना ऊँचा है और ऐसे अनघड़ पत्थरों से बनाया गया है| की इसको देखकर अत्यंत आश्चर्य होता है | इस बांध के प्रष्ठ भाग में ऐक बाग़ आपने लगाया था जिसका नाम बड़ा बाग़ हे | इसमें आम के वृक्ष हे | उन वृक्षों में से ऐक राव मालदेव अपने साथ जोधपुर ले जाकर मंडोर के बाग़ में लगाया था | तब से लगाकर मंडोर का बाग अभी तक मोजूद हे | बड़े बाग में ऐक आम का पेड़ सबसे पुराना है | उसके फल मीठे होते हे इसलिए वे आम मिश्री आम से जाने जाते हे बाग़ के अन्दर ऐक केतकी का वृक्ष आज तक मोजूद हे | यह बांध दो तरफी पहाड़ियों के बीच बंधा हुआ हे और पीछे भी बहुत लम्बी पहाड़ियों की गाल है | जिसमे माली लोग सब्जिया करते हे | यह भूमि उपजाऊ है | इसमें बहुत से कुए हे


 :: कँवर पदा::


महारावल श्री जवाहर सिंह ने इसी गाल में छोटे राजकुमार हुकुमसिंह के लिए बाग लगवाया था व महल बनवाये थे जिसे कवर पदा कहते है|

:: मंडप ::



बड़े बाग़ के ऊपर की पहाड़ियों पर राजा महाराजाओं की शमशान भूमि पर उनकी स्मरति के लिए बनाये हुए देवल व् छतरियों का समूह हे उसे मंडप कहते हे | इस मंडप के देवल व् छतरियों पर स्थापत्य कला का बड़ा सुन्दर नमूना है | इनको देखने विदेशी पर्यटकों का तांता लगा रहता हे | इन देवलों में मनोहर दास जी महारावल का देवल सबसे सुन्दर व् दर्शनीय हे |



जब 1540 में शेरशाह सूरी से हारकर बादशाह हुमायूं दिल्ली से भागकर जोधपुर पहुंचा और जोधपुर नरेश से शरण मांगी, तब जोधपुर नरेश मालदेव राठौड़ ने कोई सहायता नहीं की और उस समय वह जोधपुर से जैसलमेर आ गया और जैसलमेर नरेश से हुमायूं ने शरण मांगी, परंतु जैसलमेर नरेश महारावल लूणकरण भाटी ने सहायता नहीं की और कहा कि - "तुमने बिना आज्ञा के हमारे देश में प्रवेश किया है और हिंदू धर्म के विरुद्ध तुमने गायों को मारा है, इसलिए मैं तुम्हारी सहायता नहीं करूंगा और जल्द से जल्द मेरे देश से निकल जाओ।" साथ ही लूणकरण भाटी ने पानी के कुंए भी रेत डालकर बंद करवा दिए, ताकि हुमायूं को पीने का पानी ना मिल सकें, पानी के कुंए बंद होने से हुमायूं को बड़ा कष्ट उठाना पड़ा और जैसलमेर रावल की सेना से हुमायूं की मुठभेड़ भी हुई, फिर अंत में जाकर हुमायूं अमरकोट पहुंचा, वहां उसे शरण मिली।


कुछ समय बाद जैसलमेर महारावल लूणकरण के समय ही कंधार (अफगानिस्तान) का शहजादा पठान अमीर अली खां अपने परिवार सहित राज्यचुत (देश-निकाला) हो गया था, तब वह अपने परिवार सहित व छोटी सी सैनिक टुकड़ी सहित जैसलमेर पहुंचा और रावल से शरण मांगी। रावल ने अमीर अली खान और उसके परिवार का खूब आदर-सत्कार किया और महारावल लूणकरण ने सहदय से जैसलमेर से दो किलोमीटर दूर किशनघाट में अमीर अली खान को शिविर लगाने की अनुमति भी दे दी। पठान अमीर अली खान, महारावल लूणकरण का पगड़ी बदल भाई था। कहते हैं कि पठान अमीर अली खान, हुमायूं के कहने पर जैसलमेर पर धोखे से अधिकार करने के लिए आया था। काफी समय जैसलमेर में निवास करने के कारण इस अमीर अली खान को जैसलमेर की भीतरी परिस्थितियों का ज्ञान हो गया कि जैसलमेर की सेना केवल युद्ध काल में ही निमंत्रण देने पर आती है, भाटी सामंत भी आसपास के गांवों में रहते हैं जो युद्ध काल में ही रावल का संदेश मिलने पर सैन्य शक्ति के साथ हाजिर होते हैं, और कोई वैतनिक या स्थाई सेना जैसलमेर के पास नहीं है।

शरण लेने के बावजूद विश्वासघाती पठान अमीर अली खान की नियत में खोट आ गई, अब वह जैसलमेर पर अपना अधिकार करना चाहता था। अब वह अमीर अली मौके की तलाश में रहने लगा। एक दिन उसने जाल रचा। यह बात सन् 1550 की है, उस समय वीर युवराज मालदेव भाटी जैसलमेर में उपस्थित नहीं थे, तब उस विश्वासघाती पठान अमीर अली ने रावल को संदेश भिजवाया कि उसकी बेगमें, रानिवास में महारानी साहिबा व अन्य परिवारजनों के दर्शन करना चाहती है। महारावल लूणकरण भाटी, पठान अमीर अली के पगड़ी बदल भाई थे, और भारतीय संस्कृति में अतिथि को देवता माना जाता है, इस कारण महारावल ने खुशी-खुशी मिलने की आज्ञा दे दी।


इधर पठान अमीर अली खान ने अपने षड़यंत्र के अनुसार डोलियों में भेषधारी सैनिकों को हथियारों सहित बिठाकर किले के प्रवेश द्वार तक आ गया। भोले-भाले भाटी राजपूत सरदारों ने अतिथि व नारी सम्मान का ध्यान रखते हुए बिना कोई जांच किए ही उन्हें किले में प्रवेश दे दिया। यवनों के किले में प्रवेश करते ही अन्त:पुर के प्रथम द्वार पर ही कंधारी यवनों का भेद खुल गया। भेद खुलते ही घमासान युद्ध शुरू हो गया, किले में चारों ओर भयंकर मारकाट मच गई। कंधारी यवनों के षडयंत्र का भेद खुलते ही रणभेरी बज उठी। राजमहलों के द्वार बंद करवा दिए गए। महारावल लूणकरण को षड़यंत्र का पता चलते ही क्रोध से उत्तेजित हो उठे और उन्होंने झपट कर तलवार निकाल ली। तभी उन्हें जानकारी मिली कि शस्त्रों से सुसज्जित शत्रुदल संख्या में अधिक हैं तथा हमारे असावधान सैनिकों पर भारी पड़ रहे हैं। पूरे रनिवास में पठान अमीर अली की धोखे की खबर फैल चुकी थी। महारावल लूणकरण भाटी परिस्थिति की भयानकता व अपनी विवशता को भली-भांति समझ चुके थे। महारानी साहिबा ने उस समय की दुविधा को भांपकर ढांढस बंधाते हुए रावल से कहा कि - " हे नाथ, सतीत्व व स्वाभिमान की रक्षार्थ प्राण न्यौछावर करने का सुअवसर किसी भाग्यवान क्षत्रिय को ही प्राप्त होता है। आप अपने ममता के बंधनों को काटकर अपने कर्त्तव्यों का निर्वहन कीजिए।" 

उस समय की परिस्थितियों में जौहर करना संभव नहीं था, इसलिए समस्त वीरांगनाओं ने एक साथ अपने मस्तक झुका दिए। उन सभी क्षत्राणियों को धारा-स्नान करवाया गया अर्थात् धर्म व मर्यादा की रक्षार्थ महारावल व अन्य सरदारों ने सभी बालिकाओं, नारियों, रानियों, तथा महारानियों को तलवार की सहायता से अपने ही हाथों से मौत के घाट उतार दिया।

वीर क्षत्राणियों ने हंसते-हंसते अपने शरीर का बलिदान दिया। स्वाभिमानी वीरांगनाओं का रक्त दुर्ग की नालियों में बहने लगा।


धारा स्नान के बाद महारावल लूणकरण और उनके सरदार, विश्वासघाती पठान अमीर अली और उसकी सेना पर भुखे शेरों की भांति टूट पड़े। अद्भूत रणकौशल और तलवार का जौहर दिखाते हुए महारावल लूणकरण ने अनेक पठानों को मौत के घाट उतार दिया और स्वयं भी युद्ध करते हुए वीरगति को प्राप्त हुए। किले में मौजूद भाटी वीरों ने शत्रुओं का डटकर सामना किया। परन्तु अप्रत्याशित हमलें ने उन्हें संभलने का अवसर ही नहीं दिया‌। महारावल के अलावा उनके चार भाई मंडलीक जी, प्रताप सिंह जी, राज सिंह जी, और धीर सिंह जी तथा उनके तीन कुंवर हरदास जी, दुरजनशाल जी व सुरजमल जी युद्ध करते हुए वीरगति को प्राप्त हुए। इस युद्ध में चार चारण, दो भाट, सात पुरोहित सहित लगभग चार सौ भाटी योद्धा वीरगति को प्राप्त हुए। कंधारियों ने धोखे से किले पर अधिकार कर लिया। जैसलमेर दुर्ग का यह तीसरा शाका था। कुछ इतिहासकारों ने जौहर-अग्निकुंड के अभाव में इसे अर्द्ध शाका कहा है।

महारावल लूणकरण के पुत्र युवराज मालदेव भाटी को कंधारी पठान अमीर अली द्वारा किए गए धोखे की खबर मिलते ही वह क्रोध और प्रतिशोध की ज्वाला से भड़क उठे और उन्होंने तुरंत हरकारे भेजे। वीर योद्धाओं के दल जैसलमेर की ओर चल पड़े। भाटी वीरों ने मां स्वांगिया के जयकारों से आकाश को गूंजा दिया। भाटी वीर कंधारी पठानों से प्रतिशोध लेने के लिए जैसलमेर किले की ओर आगे बढ़े और पठानों पर टूट पड़े। युवराज मालदेव के नेतृत्व में जैसलमेर की सेना ने पठानों को करारी मात दी। उन्होंने अद्भुत वीरता का परिचय दिया। युवराज मालदेव की तलवार के जौहर के आगे पठान सेना में हाहाकार मच गया। लगभग पांच सौ पठान मारे गए। ३०० किले ऊपर और 200 बाहर मारे गए |


अन्य पठान भाग छुटे अथवा प्राणों की भीख मांगने को विवश हो गए। अमीर अली जिंदा पकड़ा गया। युवराज मालदेव ने उसे चमड़े के कुड़ियें में बन्द कर दक्षिण दिशा में तोप से उड़ा दिया। इस प्रकार तीसरे शाके के फलस्वरूप जैसलमेर पर जो सकंट आया था, उसका अंत हो गया व युवराज मालदेव जी जैसलमेर के 21वें महारावल बने।

महारावल मालदेव जैसलमेर के राजसिंहासन पर विक्रमी संवत 1607 को विराजमान हुए | इनके 13 रानिया थी |

१ बाड़मेरी रावत पुनराज की पुत्री सती हुयी | २ बीकानेर के राव जैतसी की पुत्री राजकुंवर ३ गढ़ जोधपुर के झाला देईदास की पुत्री सूरजकँवर सती हुयी | ४ उदयपुर के राणा सिसोदिया उदेसिंह की पुत्री चैनकँवर ५ सोढा सूरजमल की पुत्री नवल कँवर ६ सिरोही के देवड़ा राव हमीर की पुत्री जैतकँवर ७ चावड़ी भीमजी की पुत्री माणकँवर सती हुयी | ८ मेड़ता के ठाकुर जेतसिंह की पुत्री लाड़कँवर 9 कल्यानपुर के चौहान राव माँडण जी की पुत्री प्रेमकंवर सती हुयी | इनकी पुत्रियाँ कनक कंवर सोन कंवर |


इनके पुत्र


१ण भवानी दास

२ पाटवी हरराज

 ३ खेतसिंह

४ नारायण दास

५ सेसमल जी

६ नैतसिंह

७ डूंगरसिंह

८ पूरनमल थे |


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