TUMULT AND BLOODSHED SCENARIO DURING SIEGE OF LAHORE

The Siege of Lahore is the story of 3000 (1200 of whom were sikhs waiting to betray him & had to be threatened to fight) men successfully holding out against a Huge army.

The Dogra Rajput's had always been keenly interested in the developments in the Valley and in 1824 the Dogras moved to capture the fort of Samartah in Samba. Their alliance with the Lahore Darbar continued unabated, for in 1827 Gulab Singh along with the Sikh chief Hari Singh Nalwa took on and defeated an Afghan army under Sayyid Ahmed at the Battle of Saidu.After the capture of Kishtwar in 1821, the Chenab river valley came under Dogra control.

In 1835, a Dogra army led by General Zorawar Singh crossed the Great Himalayan Range via Umasi-La and arrived at Padam. From here they moved westwards, capturing the Suru River Valley and the small town of Kargil. In the next four years, the Dogras had the entire region of Ladakh and Baltistan under their control. These developments on Kashmir’s eastern and northern flanks alarmed the Sikh Governor of Kashmir, Colonel Mian Singh, who felt that his own position in Skardu and Gilgit was being compromised.

Maharaja Ranjit Singh died in 1839, and from here the power game became interesting. The monsoon winds were waiting to spread the fragrance of first rain in the country of five rivers, then a breaking news spread out of Royal Palace like the fire that after the long protracted illness their King slept the silent death. Intemperate, excessive drinking habits and a large harem containing more than 44 wives of all ages, denominations and grades hastened to ruin his health. After his death, his eldest son the Crown Prince Kharak Singh ascended to the throne. Kharak Singh was deemed less than worthy by many in his court, and described by one who served him as a blockhead, who twice a day he deprived himself of his senses and passed his whole-time in a state of stupefaction.  

In Lahore Durbar, there were someone whose names were in the most influential nobles from the time of Maharajah Ranjit Singh and it was much important for the various section within Lahore Durbar to remove them as they were biggest hinderance to the Grand Loot. They were no other than the Dogra Rajput brothers of Jammu Raja Gulab Singh, Raja Dhian Singh and Raja Suchet Singh. Chet Singh Bajwa, the brother-in-law of Maharaja Kharak Singh advised him to solicite the British protection. He was in the intention that with British interference, he would successfully eliminate the Dogra brothers from whole game and he will rule in actual sense through Maharaja Kharak Singh. When this news spread, a faction in Khalsa Durbar considered it to be the compromise with the sovereignty of the Punjab decided to dethrone the king and install his son Naunihal Singh who was being once groomed by Maharaja Ranjit Singh to be the worthy successor. Kunwar Naunihal Singh, determined to assume supreme authority in the state, urged his father to dismiss Chet Singh. But Kharak Singh would neither abjudicate authority in favour of his son nor would he agree to dispense with his favourite, then at the end Dogra breathen Dhian Singh in concert with Kunwar Naunihal Singh plotted to finish off Chet Singh for the well-being of Khalsa Raj.

In the early hours of 9 October 1839, Dhian Singh and Naunihal Singh, accompanied by 15 other men including Gulab Singh, Suchet Singh, Misr Lal Singh and Attar Singh Sindhanwala, entered the palace in the fort and forced their way into the royal chambers and Dhian Singh plunged his dagger into heart of Chet Singh in the presence of the Maharaja Kharak Singh who was himself placed under restraint, Kunwar Naunihal Singh running the affairs of the state on his behalf. Kharak Singh was later poisoned with mercury by Sindhanwala Sardars. Nau Nihal Singh, was far more popular in the realm, but the smoke from his father’s cremation fire had barely cleared when he too met with a violent end. While returning to the palace, after Kharak Singh’s funeral, an accident took place as a massive block of stone fell mysteriously from an archway. The masonry struck Nau Nihal and Mian Udham Singh, his inseparable companion, eldest son of Raja Gulab Singh who died on the spot whereas Nau Nihal’s skull brutally crushed, and he died a short while later.

MahaRaja Sher Singh

After the death of Nau Nihal, her mother, Chand Kaur attempted to lay claim to the throne in the name of her unborn grandson, as did Nau Nihal’s uncle, Sher Singh. Sindhanwala Sardars supported the Chand Kaur as they knew they will secure their power with her whereas Dhian Singh supported Sher Singh as he was efficient person who can protect Khalsa Raj. The baby was stillborn, and so Sher Singh laid siege to the kingdom.

On hearing that Maharaja Sher Singh had arrived at Shalimar, Raja Gulab Singh consulted with Queen Chand Kaur and the chiefs who supported her cause, namely, Jemadar Khushal Sing, Sardar Tej Singh, and the several members of the Sindhanwala family, most of whom he had probably himself gained and enKsted on her side, that they might be caught in the snare which was laid for their destruction. After this

consultation he sent orders for all his own household troops, then encamped at Shahdera, to cross the river immediately and to encamp on the parade ground adjacent to and to the north of the Soomun Boorj of the fort. These troops had scarcely reached the spot appointed, when they received further orders to march to the attack of Sher Singh and his partizans in their position at Shalimar. The force sent on this service was composed chiefly of Raja Dhian Singhs own troops ! It consisted of two small battalions, with ten Horse Artillery guns, belonging to that chief, one battalion belonging to his brother and avowed confederate Raja Suchet Singh, and one belonging to his other brother and concealed ally Raja Gulabb Singh, in all about two thousand men and ten guns ! This Dogra Rajput force had not proceeded half a mile towards Shalimar, when Gulab Singh himself, attended by about a hundred horse, galloped up to them, ordered them instantly to countermarch, and returning with them at a rapid pace, hurried the whole into the Hazuri Bagh or palace garden, and with this force immediately occupied the whole fort, stating as l^is reason for the measure that the whole Khalsa army had declared in favour of Sher Singh *, and that it would te madness to proceed with so small a force against that prince, supported as he was by at least sixty thousand men.

MahaRaja Gulab Singh

Although Raja Gulab Singh up to the moment: when the struggle actually commenced, believed that Sher Singh was too much under the influence of Raja Dhian Singh to venture on any thing like open hostility during his absence and without his concurrence, he was aware that the prince, strongly supported by the whole Khalsa, might be induced to make a vigorous effort to gain his point by private negotiations, and without the aid of his principal but still absent supporter Dhian Singh. Gulab was too old a pupil in Ranjeet's scliool not to be able to see through the schemes of Jewalla Sing and the duplicity of Sher Singh. Ho was likewise well aware that 'his brother in his letters to the prince merely advised him to proceed towards Lahore and to encamp at Shalimar, where the whole or most of the troops would go out to him, and where ho might strengthen himself and act according to circumstances, but on no account to commence open hostilities until his, Dhian Singh's, arrival from Jummoo. He promised on these conditions to endeavour by means of his influence with his brother Gulab Singh to obtain for Sher Singh by negotiation the object of his wishes, and to give him possession of the throne and the capital without a shot being fired. However, cqnti'aiy to the wish and expectations of Raja Gulab Singh, Sher Singh early on the following morning took up a position at Bhoodhoo ka Ava, and thereby convinced the Dogra Rajput chief of his determmation at once to attack the city and fort in the absence and without the concurrence of Dhyan Singh. Gulab Singh saw clearly that his success in this enterprise, independent of the aid of his pai*ty, would be a deathblow to the hopes of himself, his family, and friends.

He therefore determined to oppose to the last any attack made by tlie prince, and not to listen to any tenns till tlie arrival of Us brother Dhyan Singh on the scene of action. He would then as previously arranged, after some show of negotiation, yield to the influence of Dhyan Singh, so as to make it appear to Sher Singh that he entirely owed his elevation to that chief and his party.

Having thus taken up a threatening positicin at Bhoodhoo ka Ava, Sher Singh and the Khalsa troops busied themselves in preparation, for an immediate and vigorous attack on Lahore This day's work, however, cost the prince nearly all the money he had brought with him, together with all that he could borrow, and which he had to bestow upon the troops in gifts ere he could bring them into train for the approaching conflict. On the other side Gulab Singh the same morning convened a large assemblage of the friends and supporters of Chand Kaur in the Soomun Boorj, to whom. he depicted in the most lively colours the greatness of the coming danger, and exhorted them to be faithful and courageous in the cause of the princess, confirming the allegiance of waverers by administering an oath of constancy. After this a private consultation was held by Raja Gulab Singh, Jemadar Khushal Singh, Sardar Tej Singh, and the heads of the Scindawalla family.

Lahore Fort Premise Detailed view

Here Gulab Singh earnestly enjoined the chiefs to enter the fort immediately with their troops and to put the place in a posture of defence, as it was quite uncertain when the attack might be made. The Scindawalla chiefs answered that they had already done what the Rajah now advised, while Jemadar Khoosheeal Sing, Sirdar Teja Sing and others declared their readiness to act on his suggestion at a moment's notice.

On the evening of this day Raja Gulab Singh, mounted on an elephant, went amongst and reviewed and inspected the troops, and saw that every gateway and bastion round the city was properly secured and provided for defence. He took with him on this visit many large bags of money, which he liberally distributed in handfuls to tlie soldiers at the different posts, receiving in return strong assurances tliat at whatever point Sher Singh might make the assault he should be rigorously opposed and repelled. The Raja on returning from this tour again entered the fort, and sending for the officers and men of the different divisions of artillery tllen in the city, himself in person administered an oath to each one individually, — ^the Mahomedans on the Koran, and the Hindoos on the water of the Ganges — that they would to the last resist any attack made by Sher Singh on the fort or the city. After this Ceremony had been performed each officer and man received, and with at least seeming thankfulness, four months' pay, as a gratuity from Chand Kaur ; this with promises of further favours being considered sufficient to bind the whole to the cause of the princess. When this business was completed, which was at a late hour of the night, everj man repaired to his post, and soon the fort and city of Lahore were to aU appearance buried in slumber, too soon to awake to scenes of tumult and bloodshed.

About an hour and a half or two hours before day break the Dogra sentinels stationed" along the ramparts of that part of the fort which faces the sky, reported that large bodies of horse with lighted matches had passed along the road leading towards the artillery barracks of Sultan Mahomed and Meva Singh, or towards the Badshahi Musjid, Imd that they seemed to have entered the city by the Yakkee and Delhi gates. The sentries thought, moreover, from the conversation which they had overheard that Sher Singh must then have entered the city. This was soon ascertained to be the fact, .with the only difference that the prince had by previous arrangements entered at a wicket gate which then existed in Meva Singh's barracks and close to and west of the Badshahi Musjid, while the large bodies of cavalry which supported him, entered, first by the Yakkee and Delhi gates, aiid afterwards by the Tunksallee and other gates. It then appeared that the guards and keepers of the gates all round the city, after having on the previous evening accepted large sums as presents from Gulab Singh, and sworn to be faithful to Chand Kaur, had, on the receipt of somewhat more valuable gifts from the olilicr side, transfon*ed their sendee and allegiance to Sher Singh, to whom, in virtue of this agreement, the gates were quietly opened at the time appointed.

Maharaja Sher Singh' standard bearers carry their flags.

Thus before daylight Sher Singh was not only in possession of four or five of the principal gateways of the city, but had actually entered the place in person with about two thousand infantry, while about five thousand cavalry had gone in by the gates, and all assembled quietly and privately in the open space now included in Meva Sing's artillery barracks. Sher Singhhimself took up his quarters for the time in Meva Sing's own house, which* was close to the wicket by which he had entered the city. Thus proceeding as silently and quietly as possible, the prince before day was, by means of further bribes, in possession of both the gateways leading into the Hazooree Bagh, as also of tbe Badshahi Musjid and the large magazine which was then in that edifice. While matters were thus proceeding outside. Rajah Gulab Sing h concentrated his Dogra troops in the upper fort and made all requisite preparations for whatever might opcur. He also sent directions to Jemadar Khushal Singh and Sardar Tej Singh to repair to the fort with such men as they could command, but for reasons best known to themselves, these chiefs on various pretences and excuses declined to comply with the Raja's request. 

There were about twelve hundred Sikhs on duty in the fort before the Dogra force entered ; they were the two battalions in charge of the treasury called the Mootee Mundur, and were under the command of Boodh Sing Maan. These Sikhs perceiving the course which affairs were taking, showed some inclination to become mutinous, and even went so far as to threaten the Dogra intruders with destruction. Indeed it is prcrbable that they would have attempted to carry their threats into execution had not there been just light enough for them to see four guns heavily loaded with g*rape, and with matches lighted^ ready to open upon them. This spectacle induced them to remaim quiet and to become mof e civil to their unwelcome visitor? ; and their only thought now was how to get safe out of the fort.

They asked Raja Gulab Singh for leave to withdraw, and he for obvious reasons readily granted it. But it was too late for them to retreat, the fierce strifS for which so many secret and silent preparations had been made, was about to begin. As day dawned upon Lahore the watchers on the ramparts of the fort heard the tramp and murmur of the advancing Khalsa army as it marched in at the several gates of the city. The increasing light then showed a cloud of dust raised by the tread of the advancing thousands, and which threw a lurid and ominous gloom on all around. Presently the fierce cries of some seventy thousand wild infantry, and perhaps fifty thousand still more savage followers attracted by the scent of plunder, rent the air in loud acclamations.

Above all was heard the Sikh war cry — Wah Gooroojee ho Futteh ! Wah Gooroo jee ho Khalsajee ! as the host, disdaining further attempts at secrecy, advanced to the assault. The small and silent band on the walls of the fort calmly beheld the approach of the dense columns of infantry, the squadrons of cavalry, and more feaiful than all, the enormous train of the Khalsa artillery. The entire circuit of the fort now presented a closely wedged mass of men, forming close up to the very walls. Presently the artillery was dra^vn into position, and coolly unlimbered ready to open its terrible fire on the devoted place. The number of guns was so great that they formed as it were one entire and connected battery round the fort ; and yet others, for want of room in the first rank, had to take up positions in the roar, or to fire from wherever space could be found to work later. Calmly and silently tlie besieged viewed these formidable preparations for the assault. They had merely closed the two gates, the one Icadin^^ into the Hazuri Bagh and the other towards the eastern ver^ of the city ; but inside each of tffese gates they had placed two guns loaded with grape. They also manned the walls as well ^vs their numbers would allow with the men of the Dogra or Phirman battalion, who lay concealed, ready to deal out destnictidn on the densff masses below. At this time the Ilazooree Bagh was thronged with a motley midtitude of Gorchars, or troopers, Akalees, Infantiy, Cavahy, and Artillery. Sher Singh himself took up his position in q^ marble summer house in the middle of the garden, and by lus personal and repeated orders a space in front of the gateway of the fort was cleared with much difficulty, and twelve gims were placed so as to bear on the wooden portals, at a distance of not more than thirty-five or forty yards in front of them.

The scene at thisjnoment was of a strange and fearful character, — the den se mass of fierce men heaving to and fro almost up to the walls of the fort like an angry sea beating against a rock.

The tumult of their wild music and still wilder cries as the host clamoured to be led to the attack was stunnmg. Soon however, the horror took another form. The entire circle of gnns — about two hundred and thirty pieces of artillery — simultaneously opened a fire of blank cartridge. This was done probably in the expectation of terrifying the defenders of the fort, but if so about fifty rounds from each gun were thrown away to no purpose. The effect, however, of this firing was awful, stunning all, besieged as well as besiegers, and shaking the fort even to the old foundations laid by the Emperor Akbar. At length the firing ceased suddenly, and then ensued a calm and silence so profound that the stillness was not less awful than the previous uproar. Not a sound, not a whisper was heard on either side as the besiegers waited to ascertain the effect of this, siagular assault. Then the twelve gimRi)ointed at the Hazuri Bagh gate were quietly loaded, — ball cartridge with a'canister of p^po driven home over it. The matches were lit and ready to hurl destruction on the feeble portids. Loud and savage voices were heard, fiercely demanding the opening of the gate. But the call was unheeded : — ^immediately then the twelve guns were fired at once, and the old wooden gate, with thu'ty-seven out of thirty-nine men placed inside to defend it, fell before the terrible discharge. The two guns loaded with grape were now all that opposed the entrance of the beseigers, and there was left but one out of sixteen artillerymen to fire them. The besieged were panic struck for a moment by the fatal effect of the enemy's fire. At this instant a band of two or three hundred Akalees rushed forward over the ruins of the jrate and the bodies of its fallen defenders. One of them had advanced so far that he was able to thrust his sword into the muzzle of one of the guns, by way of taking possession of it, when the sole remaining artillery man, with a little khalassie who attended on*him, fired the two guns at once, and nearly a hundred corpses fell out of the mass of men that was rushing forward. The assailants recoiled for a moment before this close and withering fire, and the defenders of the gate were enabled to load and fire their guns again with as destructive an effect as before. Thus the twelve guns drawing up before the gate were almost unmanned, and the greater number of their horses were killed. This first gleam of success for the besieged was heightened by the promptitude with which the Dogra Rajputs, without awaiting orders from Raja Gulab Singh, poured their fire of musketiy from the walls upon the confused mass below. The effect was that in about ten minutes the Hazuri Bagh was cleared of the besiegers, who left behind them about three hundred killed, one hundred wounded, and about fifty prisoners taken by a sally of the Dogras sword in hand.

Maharaja Sher Singh Out Hawking On Horseback With Attendants Alongside.

During the confusion Sher Singh escaped from The garden back to his former quarters in tlici barracks of Meva Singh, and he thought it pnidcnt to keep himself out of harmsway during the remainder of the siege. While all this was passing in the Hazuri Bagh, the eastern gateway was attacked in a similar manner, but by only six guns instead of twelve. The first fire beat down tho gate and killed eleven men inside, but the return fire of the two guns within and the musketry of tho Dogras on the ramparts above, quickly silenced the assailing battery, killing all the men and horses attached to it. The guns were thus left, as in the hazooree Bagh, under the fire of the garrison.

Thus repulsed in their first attempts, the Khalsa opened a heavy and general fire from their artillery all round tho place, at a distance of not more than sixty or a hundred yards. This, fire was continued with such vigour and rapidity that it threatened the destruction of the old walls, which seemed likely to crumble away before it. But the artillery- men being within the range of small arms, and quite unsheltered, feU so fast uitder the well-directed fire of the garrison on the walla, that in about an hour the whole of the formidable line was silenced and deserted. The Dogras on the ramparts coiild now count no less than one hundred and forty-six guns

with none but dead and wounded men, horses, and bullocks around tliem, and so completely commanded by their fire that none dared to approach them. This sight had the effect of inspiriting and encouraging the besieged ; and the besiegers retired to a more respectful distance, sheltering themselves behind and in the houses of the city.

Thirty-six guns of large calibre belonging to the division of Sultan Mahomed were the last to be silenced by the fire from the fort, the artillery-

men having hit upon an ingenious but barbarous method of protecting themselves. They had soLfeed and taken by force many women of the city', courtesans and others, and compelling them to stand in front of and around their guns, some of them actually bound to the wheels, the Dogra Rajputs in their gallantry to the sex or their pity for the individuals, averted their fire, and thus the Sikhs by this cruel strakigem were enabled to continue their's in perfect safety. But at length the Dogras found that the fire of there guns, thus strangely protected, was not only making sad havoc in their ranks, but was likely to bring down 4 portion of their defences ; they therefore reluctantly set to work to silence these as they had done the others by a vigorous return. Even now, however, greatly to the credit of their gallantry and humanity be it saitl, they took all possible care to avoid injuring the wretched women, aiming witli their best skill to strike their enemies without hitting their involuntary protectors. The best proof, not only of their kind feeling but of their skill as marksmen, is the fact tliat of a thousand or twelve hundred women who were thus barbarously exposed, only nineteen lost their lives, while not less than onfe hundred and eighty-six of the artillerymen were shot down at their guns.

Screenshot from A history of the reigning family of Lahore

This is one the many legendary feats performed by the Dogras in this great siege against impossible odds where During the siege of Lahore unable to withstand Dogra fire Sultan Mahomed a artillery Captain under sikhs took hostage 1000-1200 women of the Sikh capital to save his troops from the Dogras.

The Dogras were however were forced to shoot at the enemy for the sake of survival. With great skill, accuracy & care Dogra marksmen killed 186 enemy artillerymen while the collateral damage being only 19 women out of the 1000-1200 taken hostage killed!!

The rest of that day was passed in comparative quiet, which afforded to the little garrison an opportunity, of whicli they were not slow to avail themselves, for repairing as well as they could the damage done, and for streng'thening their defences in anticipation of a renewed attack. They were, however, exposed throughout the day to a desultory and almost harmless fire from the Sikhs, who had taken up secure positions in and behind the houses of the city and some of the guns which had from the commencement of the fray been blocked up in narrow passages and lying imemploycd, were now, under cover of houses and walls, dragged off to a distance and brought to bear upon the defences of the fort. By favour of the darkness the Sikhs managed also to haul up there deserted artillery, but not without considerable loss from the watchful garrison. The guns were placed in houses and behind walls, and pointed on the place through embrasures made for the occasion and thus the Sikhs awaited for the day to renew the assault.

About four in the morning a tremendous cannonade was opened from the concealed batteries. The garrison were unable to return this fire with any effect, from the fact that the fort had no embrasures through which they could point their guns. The place, built originally by the Emperor Akbar merely as a temporary residence for himself and his family, was never furnished with the means of defence by the aid of artillery, and possessed nothing more than loop-holes for musketry. The garrison now, however, endeavoured to overcome this defect by breaking out embrasures in the ramparts ; but they soon found that this was impracticable, and the attempt dangerous from the frail nature of the masonry, which, old and decayed, came down in masses from the shock of their own guns. In two instances not only were guns thus buried under heaps of ruins, but some lives were lost. They then resorted to the expedient of erecting bafteries of wood and earth within the fort, and knocking down the wall in front of them — a process in which they were much aided by the fire of the besiegers and thus they were enabled to return the fire of the Sikhs with considerable effect.

All this time four guns and a part of the garrison was employed in the indispensible task of keeping quiet the twelve hundred Sikh troops that had been found in the fort, and who, had they not been thus overawed, would have glady created a diversion in favour of their friends and comrades outside by facing on the strangers within. But they were kept from doing injury, and confined to the area of the building called the Takht or Throne, where they sat silent and sad like so many prisoners of war.

Thus for three successive days and nights was a heavy and incessant cannonade kept up by the Sikhs upon the place, and returned by the garrison to the best of their power. Several large breaches were formed, and so perfect were they that many of the Dogras of the garrison, during the night, found easy egress aiid ingi'css through them, when they sallied forth upon the besiegers or made their arragements to repulse sudden assaults.

(Badshahi Masjid Lahore, was used as army head quarters and artillery base in the Sikh & British era, later Maharaja Sher Singh with French army officer have built an underground tunnel between Lahore fort and Masjid, to store gun powder.)

But though the Sikh artillery told ruinously on the walls and ramparts, it was not nearly so annoying to the garrison as the fire of five or six matchlock-men posted on each minar of the Badshahi Mosque and who were thus able to command every corner of the place with their destnictive weapons. These men were Mochis (cobbler) by caste and animal poachers by profession and remarkable for the certainty of their "deadly aim. They were in all about forty in number, and were employed by Maharaja Sher Singh on this occasion, Receiving a pay of from ton to twenty rupees a day each man. The light artillery of the fort was unable to make any sensible impression on the towers upon which these death-dealing marksmen were perched, and could do nothing more than now and than dislodge a few stones from the top. One of the guns of the place however on one occasion "tumbled three of these men from their exalted and seemingly secure position, just as they had exposed themselves to full view while in the act of placing a block of stone to serve as a defence from the fire of the Dogra musketeers, who were almost as expert in the use of their arms as those wild huntsmen themselves, and who engaged heartily in a hot rivalry with them at that murderous game. In proof of the skill of the hill-men, it may be mentioned, that they killed five and wounded eleven of the Mochees thus favourably posted, by sending balls through then shoulders and arms, while they were in the act of using their ramrods, when alone those parts of their bodies and only those were visible to then keen-eyed enemies below.

On the evening of the third day the garrison received information that the large drains and water-courses leading from the fort into the ditch had been charged with powder and were to be exploded as mines at night- fall. They thereupon opened hourly fire on the suspected points, while parties of Dogra went in and abstrtacted all the powder, filling the mouths of the drains with earths, etc. On the same night, by an accidental circumstance it was discovered that a considerable part of the fort was undermined on the side next the Hazuri Bagh and near that is called the Goolab Khana. Beneath the walls in that direction several old caves aftd hollow places existed, and the besiegers entering these places under cover of night had formed extensive mines under the fort. In carrying on these operations the miners broke into a low subterranious room in the fort, in which a party of Sultan Mahomed's artillery were ensconced : this caused An alarm and a discovered and the besiegers were not without some trouble expelled, losing forty-seven workmen and about fifty soldiers, most of whom were killed by the bursting of shells thrown by hand into these vaults and passages.

On the followhig morning intelligence was given to the garrison that Sher Singh in person had taken up his position in the Badshahi Musjid. They thereupon formed a scheme for blowing him and the building into the air, and made their preparations accordingly'. It was well known to them that the Musjid contained a large magazines of powder stored in wooden boxes, skins, etc. This they wished to explode, if possible, by means of shells and red hot shot ; but just as they were about to commence operations, they received information which induced them to desist, being told that though there were at least five thousand maunda of powder in the Musjid, there were certain subterranean passages eonnnunicating between that edifice and the fort, which were also filled with powder, and terminated in other vaults or magazines of powder beneath the fort itself.

Towards evening on the fifth day of the siege, intelligence was received of the approach of Raja Dhian Singh, who had arrived from Jammu. This induced Sher Singh to order that the foe on the place should cease, while he endeavoured to nogotiate with Raja Gulab Singh. That chief, however, on overtures being' made, refused to treat, alleging, that he could not think of negotiating until his brother made his appearance and consented to become a mediator in the aifair. This determined answer, together with the great loss which the besiegers liad sustniued without any success to counterbalance it, induced Sher Singh to send a deputation to Dhian Singh, who was coolly amuising himself hunting the wild boar, some three or four miles from Shahdra. The messengers were instnicted to tender a sort of apology for what had occurred, to make excuses on behalf of Sher Singh for the part which he had played in the tragedy, and to endeavour to persuade Dhian, that the untoward events which had occurred originated only in the rashness and ol)stinatc disobedience of the Sikh troops, who were described as in a state of mutiny and resolutely bent or avenging their slaughtered comrades. Dhyan Singh and his younger brother Suchet Singh, however, were not to be thus pacified. They publicly taxed Sher Singh with falsehood and duplicity, and declared that he might now take the fort, if he could, for himself, that he might go on freely expending the Khalsa troops and his own money for another month if he liked, with little hope of eventual success; but that they could no longer consent to be security for him to the anny, or assure him against the consequences when he should no longer be able to satisfy the demands of the soldiers for money, as they found that during the past few days between four and five lakhs of rupees had been expended in vain attempts to satisfy the mob of armed men. By these representations Sher Singh was brought to consider the matter more seriously than he had hitherto done. During this evening and in the night he repeatedly ordered a total cessation of hostilities ; but the Sikhs would not now listen to him, declaring that they could never desist until the fort was razed to the ground, and all the garrison slain in revenge for the death of so many of their comrades. But Dhian Singh's agents iKjrsuadod Sher Singh that this was but the pretext of the Sikh troops, whose real object was to take the fort by assault, and to indulge their long-cherished desire to plunder the treasury which it contained.

Maharaja Sher Singh seated, attended by his Council in the Lahore Fort. August Schoefft, ca.1841, Lahore, Princess Bamba Collection

These and similar persuasions and advices induced Sher Singh to take the affair into his serious consideration ; and during the night he sent five hundred of his best and most faithful Ghorechars, or cavalry, to Dhian Singh, accompanied by several' chiefs, who in the most humble manner and on behalf of Sher Singh, craved pardon for what had been done amiss, and entreated Dhian Singh to accompany them to the city, where Sher Singh was waiting his appearance in the greatest anxiety and suspense. On receiving this humble message, both the Dogra brothers, Dhian Singh and Suchet Singh, with about five hundred of their own adherents, who had accompanied them from Jammu, and the body of cavalry sent by Sher Singh, appoached Lahore on the sixth day of the siege. As they came near the walls, Sher Singh with a strong escort and numerous retinue went out in person to meet them and to conduct them into the city, assigning as his reason for guarding their persons so carefully, that the troops just now entertained hostile feelings againstevery one who bore the designation of a Dogra. On meeting Dehan Sing, Shere Sing actually humbled himself so far as with bare feet and joined hands to entreat forgiveness for what was past, which he declared again was not through any fault of his. Dehan Singh, knowing well how to treat the prince, at first" affected a cold and haughty demeanour; and in a severe tone he told Shere Sing that he, the prince, had more need to fear the Khalsa troops than himself had. He remarked further that as Shere Sing acknowledged that he could not manage the soldiery, he would show him what he himself could do in that way. He then galloped off, attended by only ten or twelve horsemen into the midst of the Sikh multitude then collected outside the Tunksallec gateway to witness Lis entry into tlie city. The soldiers received him with loud acclamation, and while Sher Singh followed at some distance, Dhian Singh entered Lahore among a crowd of Sikh troops, who saw in his arrival the hope of further bribes and presents. The Raja flattered and pleased the soldiers aroimd him by expressing his sorrow at their loss, and the small return they were likely to obtain, assuring them that had his advice been taken not a drop of blood would have been spilt, while their object would have been obtained in one short day. He said, however, that if they would not be too hasty now, he had the strongest hopes of being able to put every thing to rights yet, and of seeing every man of them well rewarded for his loyalty and devotion. By these arts, Dhian Singh, before two hours had elapsed from the time of his arrival had worked himself into the confidence of the Sikhs so far that a cessation of hostilities ensued, and every one looked upon him as the man by whose friendly mediation alone peace could be restored.

Negotiations began that same evening, and in the morning of the seventh day since the commencement of the siege the Sikhs found, as they had not done before, time and opportunity to collect and bum or bury their dead, and to clear the city and the hazuri Bagh of the carcases of cattle and horses with which they wore strewn.

The return showed that on the side of the besiegers 4786 men, 610 horses, and 330 bullocks had been killed; while the loss of the garrison did not in killed and wounded exceed 130 men. During these seven days, the Dogras of the garrison had received from Gulab Singh as presents from himself and Chand Kaur, various sums amounting in the aggregate to about one hundred rupees for each private soldieif, the officers being rewarded still more liberally.

One or two other incidents which occurred during this short and vigorous siege may be here mentioned. The Sikhs, under the pretence of procuring wood for the erection of batteries, or out-works for the protection of their guns, dismantled nearly half the houses in the city, and committed excesses almost incredible and perfectly indescribable. Even had Sher Singh interfered to prevent these atrocities, lie had not the power to enforce his connnand. The people thronged in crowds to witness tlie operations of the siege, and might be seen daily in numbers seated, in seeming unconsciousness of danger, on the walls and roofs of houses and in other places within the range of muskets fire from the fort. But as the garrison knew by their appearance that they were not of the enemy, they never received any molestation.

On the seventh and eighth days, when the Sikhs were engaged in burning their dead who were consumed in large heaps, they were seen to throw upon the pile some who were merely wounded and still alive. These poor wretches implored their mercy but in vain, their cries and entreaties were answered with jeering enquiries, if they were afraid to go to heaven — " Baiya charhjau, charhjau, — kee khaufh khauunda ? " —

" Mount, brother, mount, what are you afraid of ? " The object of the soldiers in committing these barbarities was merely to secure the little property they found on the persons of their murdered comrades, — for this petty incitement they were ready to commit atrocities so horrible!

When negotiations began on the seventh day of the seige, 'Raja Heera Sing and the Sindhwallah chiefs came out of the Soomun Boorj, where they had remained with a few followers, for the purpose, as they said, of affording protection to the princess Chand Kaur. Raja Gulab Singh now found little difficulty in inducing this lady to agree in the views and designs of himself and his brother. She implored him to become the protector of her person and rights, formally nominating him as her mooktear or agent, and committing all her interests into his hands. He thus procured from Sher Singh and the army terms for her and her supporters more favourable than they could otherwise have obtained ; in this, however, as might be expected, ho sought his own advantage and that of his

family and faction much more than that of his client.

Miniature on ivory in collection of lahore museum. Rani Chand Kaur (1802 – 11 June 1842) was 4th ruler of the Lahore throne in 1840, she was married to Crown Prince Kharak Singh, She was mother of Nau Nihal Singh, who became second in line of succession to the throne of Lahore.

 

The conditions on which it was agreed that the fort of Lahore should be given up and Chand Kaur resign her claims to the gaddi, were, first, a jagir of nine lakhs for the princess — Kuddee Kuddeealee was the place named, adjoining the Jammu states and Gulab Singh was to have the management of it for her ; — second, that as it was the Rani's wish to live as the faithful widow of Khurruck Singh, Sher Singh should never make any pretensions to her hand ; — third, that the Dogra garrison of the fort should be allowed to march out unmolested and with flying colours; — and fourth, that security should be given for the due fulfilment of these conditions.

In obtaining a jagir of nine Lakhs of rupees per annum in the part of the country adjoining his own dominions, under pretence of holding it for Chand kaur, the Rajput chief of Jammu secured an object of no small consideration with him; while by the lady being allowed to continue in a state of widowhood he was secured in quiet possession of the advantages thus obtained. Eventually, however, the Raja secured to himself not only this jagir but almost all the lady's money and valuables, which under the pretence of safely keeping for her, he carried off to Jammu.

Matters being satisfactorily arranged, it was settled that the Dogra garrison should leave the fort on the evening of the eighth day. In preparation for this movement, Gulab Singh employed himself in filling his tumbrils and waggons, sixteen in number, with silver money, allowing only thirty rounds of ammunition for each gun, to be used is case of emergency. Furthermore, a bag of gold mohurs was entrusted to the care of each of five hundred of his most faithful adherents ; and again, a quantity of jewellery and valuable trinkets was delivered to the charge of his own orderly Ghorchurs or mounted bodyguards. Then taking witlh him twelve of the best horses that had been in Ranjeet Singh's stud, and many valuable articles of pushmeena, etc., Raja Gulab Singh at the head of his men marched quietly out of the fort after dark on the evening of the eighth day.

The clause in the capitulation which allowed the garrison to depart with all the honors of war was not taken advantage of Gulab fearing, and with but too much show of reason, that the Sikhs, instigated by their own revengeful feelings, or the machinations of Jwala Singh, might fall upon the little band when it was unable to protect itself and plunder and perhaps murder them all. As it was, however, the Dogra Rajput forces without molestation peached the bank of the Ravi opposite Shahderah and there encamped for two days. During this time Gulab Singh went to pay his respects to the new Maharajah Sher Singh, to whom with his own hand he delivered as a token of homage and as a propitiatory gift, the great diamond called Koh-i-noor, which he had contrived to secure. On the occasion of this interview he endeavoured to impress on Sher Singh a sense of his own loyalty and patriotism, declaring that he now had at much risk and trouble to himself secured for the new Maharaja, the treasures of the state which but for his exertions would have been plundered by the Sikh soldiery ond the rabble.

To this he added, that being a Rajpoot and an old aide of Ranjeet Singh, his gallantry and loyalty alike engaged him to protect the person and reputation of Chand Kaur, the virtuous widow of Khurruck Sing, and daughter-in-law to the great Maharaja himself. Thus he made the best use. of some four or five hours which passed during his interview with Sher Singh, and next day crossing the Ravee to Shahdera, with the whole of his force he took up as strong a position as he could find, and sent to Jummoo for a re-inforcement of two thousand of his best troops. He took these precautions because he found that the Khalsa troops were becoming utterly uncontrollable by the power of Sher Singh, and he had reason to apprehend that at the instigation of Jwala Singh they would even yet attack him. He founds too that at the instigation of the same chief Sher Singh had enticed many of his troops to desert and on his learning this fact he obtained leave of absence, through the interest of has brother Dhian Singh, the Wazir, and marched to Jammu with his whole force.

coronation event of Maharaja Sher Singh

The deep policy of the Jammu brothers was now beginning to develope itself. They had got rid of the unfortunate Khuruck Singh, and of his active and ambitious son. NauNihal Singh ; the Rani Chand Kaur had been set aside, and Sher Singh was placed on the throne simgly that he might be the more completely in the power of these his worst enemies. It now only remained to dispose of the new Maharaja, to replace whom Dhian Singh had in his hands a young child, the reputed though not the real son, of Ranjeet Singh and then, with the Khalsa troops entirely at his command. Raja Dhian Singh, aided by his brothers, would be supreme.

Of such event, it is clear that the intrigues of Lahore court had also reached inside the Dogra clan. The Dogra brothers were powerful during the reign of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. After his death, they tried to stay loyal to Maharaja's family but the series of events turned them against each other. The only surviving Dogra in all this tumult and bloodshed was MahaRaja Gulab Singh because he deliberately stayed away from Lahore and who was able to protect the sovereignty of his land and establish himself the Independent Ruler of Glorious and vast kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir.