Tuesday, August 27, 2019

THEN AND NOW - INDIAN HISTORICAL SCHOLARSHIP



It is my faith in the past which has given me the strength to work in the present and to look forward to our future. I cannot value freedom if it deprives us of the Bhagavad Gita or uproots our millions from the faith with which they look upon our temples and thereby destroys the texture of our lives…. this shrine once restored to a place of importance in our life will give to our people a purer conception of religion and a more vivid consciousness of our strength -  K.M. MUNSHI

After seventy-two years of independence, we notice that Munshi’s remark regarding the so-called Indian histories remains valid. The fact that we still debate about the “true history” of India, and how this field is still highly politicized, bitter, and filled with distortions should be the surest proof that Munshi’s vision and Sankalpa has largely remained unfulfilled.
Of course, there exist excellent and accurate Indian histories: the selfsame History and Culture of the Indian People, Cultural Heritage of India, and several standalone works by scholars can be cited as outstanding examples. But these works are far and few between and are mostly forgotten by or lost in the mainstream narrative, which is heavily lopsided and some are openly hostile to the cultural and civilizational ethos of India. This sort of self-alienation and hatred towards one’s own identity and sense of Self is unparalleled anywhere in the world.
Think about it. Think about a perverse parallel, which exists next door. In Pakistan. Pakistan’s official history books[1] deny and disavow its Hindu past, propagate hatred towards Hindus and India, and seek to forge an “independent” Pakistani identity that has no basis in history.
And what has the Indian “history” establishment done for the last seven decades? The same thing.  Shaming, blaming, abusing, and trying to disclaim, denounce, and disown its Hindu roots. And it is here, in these roots that we must seek an answer to forge what we can call an indigenous narrative of India’s history.

In [the] name [of secularism], anti-religious forces, sponsored by secular humanism or Communism, condemns religious piety, particularly in the majority community…In its name, minorities are immune from such attention and have succeeded in getting their demands, however unreasonable, accepted.


In this backdrop, it’s instructive to examine the state and nature of scholarship that flourished roughly in the period encompassing the mid-19th and mid-20th centuries. This was truly the era of Bharatavarsha’s Modern Renaissance populated by a galaxy of stalwarts in almost all fields of human endeavor and spanning the length and breadth of this country. Needless, the world of scholarship was no different. If time is a soil, it was at its fertile best in this era, supplying to India and the world such luminaries as Pandurang Vaman Kane, Mysore Hiriyanna, Jadunath Sarkar, Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyaya, Parashuram Krishna Gode, Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, Ananda Coomaraswamy, Shama Shastri, Devudu Narasimha Sastry, Ganganath Jha, Govind Chandra Pande, S. Srikanta Sastri, Moti Chandra, Acharya Chatursen Sastri, Radha Kumud Mukherji, Kashi Prasad Jayaswal…the list is breathtaking in number and dazzling in its accomplishment.



While each of these scholars distinguished himself in seminal, exhaustive, and penetrating research in one area—P V Kane is most notable for his definitive work, the multi-volume History of the DharmashastrasJadunath Sarkar for his volumes on Aurangzeb, Surendranath Dasgupta for his five-volume History of Indian Philosophy, and others in a similar vein—they also distinguished themselves for their solid multidisciplinary grasp. They had attained enormous proficiency in multiple languages (both Indian and foreign), could decipher epigraphic sources, literary texts, numismatics, sculptural nuances, and so on. This is a truly extraordinary feat by any standard. Small wonder that all of them contributed to learned and scholarly journals and publications like the various Gazetteers, Indian Antiquary, Epigraphia IndicaBombay Asiatic Society, and numerous other independent journals and magazines. S Srikanta Sastri for example, could contribute to these scholarly journals and to a popular Kannada newsmagazine like Prajamata with equal élan.
These scholars were household names in their own time. Yet barring very few people in our own time…an era ruled by the Internet where most information is freely, easily and instantly accessible, how many “educated” Indians are even aware that such scholars actually existed in flesh and blood just forty years ago? R.C. Majumdar for instance, died as recently as 1980. In my limited reading, I didn’t come across a single “mainstream” newspaper or magazine that devoted say, a Sunday Supplement or Special Feature to cover his seminal contributions and rich legacy. What does that tell us about the nadir we have reached?
But by 1980, this decline was near-comprehensive and in many cases, irreversible. From then onwards, the world of historical scholarship was full of self-righteous, meaningless and political nonsense, defining history as merely a “clash of perspectives.” When history becomes a mere clash of perspectives, the first casualty is truth because anybody whose perspective has the support of brute force or political power will become the truth. For example, the fierce debates that began in the mid-to-late 1960s over the actual impact of colonial rule quickly give birth to the umbrella subject of Subaltern studies. As a result, these subaltern narratives eventually reduced history to nothing more than a handmaiden of crass Leftist sociology. Look around us today. Anybody who has a pet grievance and can drum up a rowdy, street-lobby endowed with enough lung power can get himself/herself classified as a Subaltern.
We can now trace the trajectory of the calculated downfall of the aforementioned historical scholarship. At a very high level, this trajectory passed through the following stages:
First, at the zenith of Bharatavarsha’s Modern Renaissance, scholarship of the highest degree was not only actively sought after but was passionately, carefully nurtured and passed on to successive generations in keeping with the true traditions of the Indian learning heritage.
Second, this same level and standard of scholarship was sustained for at least seven decades in almost all universities, and institutions of higher learning.
Third, a systematic attempt was put in place to dismiss such a high standard of scholarship by condemning it in terms such as, “this knowledge is archaic and useless for the modern time,” “all this is a conspiracy,” “this does not earn a livelihood,” “this is a Hindu revivalist approach,” etc. For a vivid and blunt picture of how this phenomenon worked in practice, read, Perversion of India’s Political Parlance, Genesis and Growth of Nehruism, Decolonising the Hindu Mind, and Negationism in India: Concealing the Record of Islam.   
Fourth, flows from the third. This resulted in the marginalization of the still-surviving scholars of this Renaissance era, which in turn, resulted in the shutting down of various valuable departments in our universities. This loss has since become irretrievable. 
Finally, an era of actively discouraging this sort of scholarship. In retrospect, if we lament at the state of historical scholarship in the last fifty or so years, it’s clear that the reason can be found here, in this trajectory. Needless, without this active sabotage, the Marxist and similar ideological distortions that have become commonplace in Indian history wouldn’t have even been possible in the first place.
In parting, here is a quote from the Grandma of History Distortions, Romila Thapar recounted by Prof Dilip K Chakrabarti. The topic? Romila Thapar’s “vision” of India at the end of the 21st Century:
by the end of the 21st century India would break down into a series of small statesfederated within a more viable single economic space on the scale of the subcontinent.
To put it in the correct perspective: this was not Romila Thapar’s “vision,” but her wish from the innermost recesses of her unpatriotic heart. And such innately toxic people sat on various educational boards and for over four decades, virtually dictated what was India’s history. And they’ve been extraordinarily successful in their ruinous project. This vandalism of Indian history mirrors the industrial-scale vandalism, desecration and destruction of Hindu Temples by medieval Muslim barbarians: the decimation was complete but what was it replaced with?
The answer is self-evident.

It’s now up to ordinary Hindus to find out a corrective mechanism on their own, at the individual and community levels.



Friday, August 23, 2019

A LEGEND IN HIS LIFE - FIELD MARSHAL KODANDERA "KIPPER" MADAPPA CARIAPPA - IMMORTAL RAJPUTS

In the Army

Officer:Soldier ratio is
around 1:40
But
Martyrdom is around 1:10



The Legend Who Made The Army Truly Indian 

A Legend who would invariably occupy the top spot if one were to count the most distinguished soldiers of India.


One of Indian Army’s most decorated generals, Field Marshal KM Cariappa blazed a trail in the Indian Armed Forces with his unrelenting patriotism.


Field Marshal K.M.Cariappa. also known as Kipper, the first Indian Commander in Chief of the  Army, the only other Indian officer to hold the rank of field marshal, along with Sam Manekshaw.


One of the finest generals ever. Coorg apart from it's natural beauty, is also famous for producing hockey players, and army men, The Kodavas, take pride in their martial traditions, carry guns, and their most famous dish is a mixture of steamed rice balls and pork curry Coorg has one of the grandest  Dussehra celebrations on par with Mysore.  It is a region, known for it’s high literacy rate, where education is given a priority. Considered as the cradle of Indian hockey, the region has given some outstanding players like M.P.Ganesh, M.M.Somaiyya As also champion athletes like Aswhini Nachappa in athletes, Rohan Bopanna in Tennis, Ashwini Ponappa in badminton and Robin Uthappa in cricket. And in Kannada cinema, some really good looking heroines, Prema, Daisy Boopanna, and the recent Rashmika Mandana. 


But above all, Coorg  has given some of the finest defense officers to  India,  Gen.K.S.Thimmayya( Chief of Army Staff), A.C.Iyappa, first Signal officer in chief and also first chief of BEL, Major Mutthanna, CD Subbaiah to name a few.


Kodandera M Cariappa, one of Coorg's most famous sons was  in the picturesque hill station town of Madikeri on Jan 28, 1900. The second of four sons of Madappa, a clerk in the revenue department and Kaveri, who would serve India with distinction.

Cariappa was made to take an oath by his mother at a small age that he would always work honestly and never take a bribe. That penchant for integrity is something that would be an aspect of his very distinguished career. Affectionately known as Chimma, he had his early schooling in Madikeri, where he learnt horse riding. It is said he once tamed an unruly horse, by riding it again and again, even when it threw him off the back.


Coming from a region that was proud of its martial heritage, Cariappa imbibed the spirit and ethos of the place. He was just 15 when World War I, broke out, but keenly followed every news about it , using a map. When studying at Presidency College, Chennai,  he came to know that the British Government would select young Indians for the Army, and that the training would take place in Indore. Fifty youngsters were to be selected,  and Coorg( which was a separate state then), had just one seat.Cariappa applied got that seat, and his training began In June 1918. While he graduated in December 1919, he got only a temporary commission. Cariappa only got a permanent commission in 1922, which was done deliberately to make him junior to the British officers who had passed out from Sandhurst in July 1920.  It was a typical case of British high handedness and discrimination.



Joining as a 2nd Lieutnant, he became a Lieutenant  in 1921, and served in Mesopotamia for some time. In India he was transferred to the 7th Rajput Regiment, which after independence became the Rajput Regiment.

Rajput Regiment became  Cariappa’s permanent  regimental home too later on. In 1925, he went on a tour of Europe, US, Canada and Japan, which proved to be a learning experience for him. He also got the nickname of Kipper, by a British officer’s wife. Cariappa again came face to face with the discrimination, when in spite of being the first Indian officer to get through Quetta Staff College entrance examination, he was denied a staff appointment for two years, contrary to the existing procedures.


During this time, he rendered service on the North Western Frontier Province, where he had to take on the dreaded tribesmen, known for their guerrilla tactics. Displaying exemplary bravery, he protected the convoys many a time from their ambush attacks.

Finally in 1936, Cariappa, was appointed as staff captain in the Deccan, two years later he was promoted to Major and appointed as Quarter Master General. He  was one of the early officers to raise the issue of discrimination of Indian officers in the army. Cariappa stressed the discrimination shown towards Indian officers in promotions, allowances, benefits before the Skeen Committee in 1939. When WWII began, he was posted as Brigade Major to 20th Indian,in the Derajat region of Pakistan Later he was appointed as Dy. Assistant Quarter Master General( DAQMG) of the 10th Indian division in Iraq. Between 1941-42 he served in the Middle East, primarily in Iraq, Iran and Syria, and later in Burma between 1943-44.

An Indian infantry section of the 2nd Bn, 7th Rajput Rgt  Field Marshal Kipper Cariappa's Own- Famed Kali Chindi prepares to head out for patrol on the Arakan front, 1943. This Campaign of 1942–43 was the first tentative Allied attack into Burma, following the Japanese conquest of Burma earlier in 1942, during the Second World War. 

In 1942, he became the first Indian to command a battalion, when he was appointed  as CO of the newly formed 7 Rajput Machine Gun Battalion in Fatehgarh. He managed to stabilize the newly raised battalion, train it, in fact this is where he earned his administrative spurs too. Two major initiatives undertaken by him,  were to replace the machine guns in battalion with tanks and next it was moved to Secunderabad, amidst protests by unit members which he deftly handled. Though he wished to serve in active combat, circumstances did not favor Cariappa. However he was posted as AQMG  of the Eastern Command in Burma at Buthidaung. This was the division that pushed out the Japanese Army from Arakan In November 1945, he was put in charge of the Bannu Frontier Brigade in Waziristan, and it was during that time,  Colonel Ayub Khan, who would later become the President of Pakistan, served under him.

A stickler for fairness, Cariappa, was known for his treatment of the captured INA prisoners. When he saw the miserable conditions under which they were living, he immediately wrote to improve them, and also grant them amnesty. ( Respect )


He had the foresight to point out that the INA officers had support from the Indian political leaders, who would sooner or later rule the country.  He was against the partition of Indian Army as he felt it would have a devastating effect,  with inexperienced officers. 

Cariappa was initially appointed as Dy. Chief of General Staff, however with the situation in Kashmir worsening, he was made as GOC in charge of East Punjab Command in 1947. He renamed it as Western Command, moved the HQ to Jammu, Cariappa raised a corps HQ under Lt.Gen S.M.Sriganesh at Udhampur. He also appointed Lt.Gen K.S.Thimayya as the GOC for Jammu and Kashmir and Atma Singh as GOC for Jammu division.


Leading from the front, Cariappa launched three operations- Kipper, Easy and Bison, to capture the Naushehra, Poonch, Zozilla, Dras and Kargil areas.  He managed to beat back the Pakistani  forces, and was actually on the verge of driving them out of the valley.


Cariappa  planning the operations in 1947, for Poonch and Leh. The others in the picture are Brig Sarda Nand Singh, UC Dubey and Lt SM Sri Ganesh. 

However thanks to Nehru taking the issue to UN, and subsequent intervention, it was not carried out.


 He  protested against this saying that Leh, Kargil, the Valley would be at a great security risk. Disregarding orders, he launched strikes in the Ladakh area and took control. When Lt.Gen Sir Roy Butcher’s tenure as Commander in Chief was expiring in January 1949,  it was decided to replace him with an Indian officer. 


Along with Sriganesh and Nathu Singh, Cariappa was one of the contenders for the post. The then Defense Minister wanted Sriganesh to take over on grounds of seniority. Though Sriganesh was 6 months senior, Cariappa had the longer period of service.  Both of them declined, and K.M.Cariappa became the first Indian commander in chief of the Army.

The date on which he took over, January 15 is now widely observed as Army Day. As the chief, Cariappa, was instrumental in formation of the Territorial Army in 1949, and also played a role in the evolution of NCC.

Cariappa also adopted Jai Hind, and soon it became a formal greeting among officers in Indian Army. He turned down the proposal for reservations in the Army, as he emphatically stated it would affect the quality of the personnel.


Finally on January 14, 1953, Cariappa retired making a farewell visit to his beloved Rajput Regiment,  which he served for a long time. Even after retirement, he still continued to serve the nation in one capacity or another. He served as the High Commissioner to Australia and New Zealand from 1953-56,  set up the ex-Servicemen’s league( ESL) in 1964, established the Directorate of Resettlement to look into issues of retired defense personnel He helped in reorganization of armed forces of many newly independent nations, was given the Legion of Merit by US President Harry Truman. However his brief foray into politics was a failure, when he lost in the 1957 General Election as an independent candidate. Sadly he had a troubled married life , and his marriage with Muthu came to an end in 1945, when the couple separated.

Air Marshal (retd) K C Nanda Cariappa paying his respects at the Field Marshal Cariappa Memorial in Madikeri today. Nanda Cariappa is field marshal’s son

His son K.C. Nanda Cariappa served in the Indian Air Force Fighter pilot, during the 1965 War and was in fact taken as prisoner. Air Marshal K C "Nanda" Cariappa is the son of Field Marshal K. M. Cariappa. He was awarded Param Vishist Seva Medal and Vayu Sena Medals for his contributions to the Nation.


There was an interesting anecdote when General Ayub Khan, who was the President offered to release his son.  Cariappa, shot back saying 

“The POWs are all my sons, look after them well”.


He was a stickler for integrity and honesty , never misused his power and status. Kodendera Marappa Cariappa finally passed away in 1993 at Bangalore, but not before leaving a rich legacy. A man of true integrity and honor, who rose to the top most post in the Army, fighting against discrimination by British officers.


FM Cariappa (Rajput Regiment)

when asked to name best Regiment had said:

All troops are good. It's the officers who lead, make them best


Didn't name his Paltan, as expected.


 A true hero in many ways 


_/\_Salute_/\_

Indian Army has sent the request. It's for Govt to decide on it, says Army chief General Bipin Rawat on Bharat Ratna for Field Marshal Cariappa 

IRON MAN OF NATHU LA & CHO LA 1967 CLASHES - LIEUTENANT GENERAL SAGAT SINGH RATHORE - IMMORTAL RAJPUTS



Lt Gen Sagat Singh - a brilliant General who used Manouvre Warfare at its Best Not for one battle but a series!

He was was the architect of our lightening strike to Dacca, which was not even in our plans!
He played stellar roles in Liberation of Goa, Nathula 1967,
Mizoram insurgency!


While debacle of 1962 ever since has  been talked about n raised to power n times, the success of 1967 in Nathu- La inflicting six times more casualties on Chinese Army has hardly been a subject matter of Debates discussions &  news


The exemplary military leadership of Lt General Sagat Singh, the steel and resolve of infantry battalions like 18 Rajput, 2 Grenadiers, 7/11 Gorkha, etc had indeed defied the conventional wisdom and rewritten history for posterity. - Lt. Gen. Bhopinder Singh.


Such was the feat of this legend that most outstanding would be Lieutenant General Sagat Singh who had displayed exemplary leadership on both occasions taking huge personal career risks,

1965- he refused to vacate Nathu La pass as ordered by Superiors,
1967- He ordered use of heavy artillery w/o waiting permission from seniors.


BlackCatDivision conducted celebrations at Natu La, installed bust at Sherathang to commemorate the Birth Centenary of Padma Bhushan Lieutenant General Sagat Singh, PVSM (Retired). Known as 'Iron Man of Natu La', he also led the resolute action of Indian Army in Aug-Sep 1967. in a bloody skirmish which lasted several days, he gave the Chinese a bloody nose, proving that the Indian Army was no pushover.

A great tactician and brave commander, who spear headed operation, with great amount of courage by personal example. A big salute to such great son of soil and glory of Rajputana where he was born in, on 14th July 1919. Hailing from the Rathore Rajput clan, He commenced his military career through humble beginning in Bikaner State Forces with only a smattering knowledge of English. By the time the War was over he was the only officer to have done two staff course, including the prestigious course at Quetta. On being absorbed into Indian Army after Independence, he was transferred to 3rd Gorkha Rifles, where he commanded two battalions.

He was given command of Para Brigade on promotion and led it in Goa Operations with aplomb and responsible for liberating this Portuguese Colony. Though the result of the operations in Goa was along expected lines, the speed of the Indian advance surprised many observers. The credit for this goes to Sagat, and his troops, who exceeded their brief, and managed to reach Panjim, which they had not been asked to do. The fact that 17 Infantry Division, in spite of the vastly superior resources at their disposal, and almost no opposition from the enemy, could make little headway, goes to show that the going was not easy. If the paratroopers succeeded, it was because of better fighting spirit, morale and leadership. The ability to take risks, and seize fleeting opportunities is the hall mark of a successful military leader, and Sagat proved beyond doubt that he had these qualities in ample measure. The failure of Indian troops, barely a year afterwards when facing the Chinese, only underlined the point that irrespective of the fighting capabilities of the soldier, it is the quality of leadership which tilts the balance, in war.

In January 1964, Sagat handed over command of 50 Para Brigade to Brigadier A.M.M. Nambiar, and proceeded to attend the fourth course, at the National Defence College, in Delhi. After spending a year on the course, he was posted as Brigadier General Staff 11 Corps, in January 1965. He served in this appointment for just six months, and in July 1965, was promoted Major General, and posted as GOC 17 Mountain Division, replacing Major General Har Prasad. The division was then in Sikkim, and soon after he took over, there was a crisis. In order to help Pakistan during the 1965 War, the Chinese served an ultimatum, and demanded that the Indians withdraw their posts at Nathu La and Jelep La. According to the Corps HQ, the main defences of 17 Mountain Division were at Changgu, while Nathu La was only an observation post. In the adjoining sector, manned by 27 Mountain Division, Jelep La was also considered an observation post, with the main defences located at Lungthu. In case of hostilities, the divisional commanders had been given the authority to vacate the posts, and fall back on the main defences. Accordingly, orders were issued by Corps HQ to both divisions to vacate Nathu La and Jelep La. 

Sagat did not agree with the views of the Corps HQ. Nathu La and Jelep La were passes, on the watershed, which was the natural boundary. The MacMahon Line, which India claimed as the International Border, followed the water shed principle, and India and China had gone to war over this issue, three years earlier. Vacating the passes on the watershed would give the Chinese the tactical advantage of observation and fire, into India, while denying the same to our own troops. Nathu La and Jelep La were also important because they were on the trade routes between India and Tibet, and provided the only means of ingress through the Chumbi Valley. Younghusband had used the same route during his expedition, sixty five years earlier, and handing it over to the enemy on a plate was not Sagat's idea of sound military strategy. Sagat also reasoned that the discretion to vacate the posts lay with the divisional commander, and he was not obliged to do so, based on instructions from Corps HQ.

From probal dasgupta’s Watershed 1967 book, the man in nathu la and cho la sector


As a result of orders issued by Corps HQ, 27 Mountain Division vacated Jelep La, which the Chinese promptly occupied. However, Sagat refused to vacate Nathu La, and when the Chinese became belligerent, and opened fire, he also opened up with guns and mortars, though there was a restriction imposed by Corps on the use of artillery. Lieut-General (later General) G.G. Bewoor, the Corps Commander, was extremely annoyed, and tried to speak to Sagat, to ask him to explain his actions. But Sagat was not in his HQ, and was with the forward troops. So it was his GSO 1, Lieut Colonel Lakhpat Singh, who bore the brunt of the Corps Commander's wrath.

The Chinese had installed loudspeakers at Nathu La, and warned the Indians that they would suffer as they did in 1962, if they did not withdraw. However, Sagat had carried out a detailed appreciation of the situation, and reached the conclusion that the Chinese were bluffing. They made threatening postures, such as advancing in large numbers, but on reaching the border, always stopped, turned about and withdrew. They also did not use any artillery, for covering fire, which they would have certainly done if they were serious about capturing any Indian positions. Our own defences at Nathu La were strong. Sagat had put artillery observation posts on adjoining high features called Camel's Back and Sebu La, which overlooked into the Yatung valley for several kilometres, and could bring down accurate fire on the enemy, an advantage that the Chinese did not have. It would be a tactical blunder to vacate Nathu La, and gift it to the Chinese. Ultimately, Sagat's fortitude saved the day for India, and his stand was vindicated, two years later, when there was a show down at Nathu La. Today, the strategic pass of Nathu La is still held by Indian troops, while Jelep La is in Chinese hands. 


During the crisis, the Chinese had occupied Jelep La, but had gained nothing in the sector under Sagat's division. This was galling, and they continued their pressure on the Indians, and making threatening gestures. In December 1965, the Chinese fired on a patrol of 17 Assam Rifles, in North Sikkim, at a height of 16,000 feet, killing two men. The patrol was in Indian territory, but the Chinese claimed that it had crossed over to their side. They made regular broadcasts from loudspeakers at Nathu La, pointing out to Indian troops the pathetic conditions in which they lived, their low salaries and lack of amenities, comparing these to that of officers. It was a form of psychological warfare in which the Chinese were adept, and had to be countered. Sagat had similar loud speakers installed on our own side, and tape recorded messages, in Chinese language, were broadcast every day. However, he was not satisfied with this, and kept looking for a chance to avenge the death of the Indian soldiers who had fallen to Chinese bullets. Throughout 1966, and early 1967, Chinese propaganda, intimidation and attempted incursions into Indian territory continued. The border was not marked, and there were several vantage points on the crest line which both sides thought belonged to them. Patrols which walked along the border often clashed, resulting in tension, and sometimes even casualties.


In 1967, Sagat discussed the problem with the Corps Commander, Lieut General J.S. Aurora. He suggested that the border at Nathu La should be clearly marked, to prevent such incidents, and offered to walk along the crest line, to test the Chinese resolve. If they did not object, the line along which he walked could be taken to be acceptable to them. This was agreed to, and Sagat, accompanied by an escort, began walking along the crest. The Chinese commander also walked alongside, accompanied by a photographer, who kept taking pictures. However, there was no confrontation, and the 'walk' ended peacefully.


Sagat then obtained the concurrence of the Corps Commander to mark the crest line, along which he had walked. He ordered a double wire fence to be erected, from Nathu La towards the North and South Shoulders. However, as soon as work began on the fence, on 20 August 1967, the Chinese became agitated, and asked the Indians to stop. One strand of wire was laid that day, and two more were added over the next two days. On 6 September, a patrol of 2 Grenadiers, the battalion which was holding defences at Nathula, was going towards the South Shoulder, when it was surrounded by about seventy Chinese, and threatened. The next day, the Chinese physically tried to interfere with the construction of the fence, and there was a scuffle. However, work continued on the next two days, and was almost completed on the 10th. 

On the night of 10 September 1967,(then Maj Gen) Sagat Singh got little sleep. He would soon know whether or not he had taken the right decision by insisting on the fencing of the border.

Brigadier Bakshi, the brigade commander, was an armoured corps officer who specialized in tank warfare in the plains and didn't possess experience in the Himalayas, where tanks didn't have a role to play. For his role in the 1965 war, he was awarded the Vir Chakra, one of the nation's eminent gallantry awards. Brigadier Bakshi was asked to move up from the brigade headquarters in Chhanggu and occupy the forward post at Nathu La. Brigadier Bakshi left for Nathu La at 5 am on 11 September. 

Gen. Sagat had asked for some medium guns, and these were moved up to Kyangnosa La, at a height of over 10,000 ft. The artillery observation post officers at Sebu La and Camel's Back had been put on alert.

Sheru Thapliyal was placed at the artillery observation post at Sebu La, an elevated feature beside Nathu La that overlooked the pass. Sheru was aware of the work on the fence at the border and the ongoing tussle kept him on his toes. Camel's Back had been put on alert. Sheru Thapliyal was placed at the artillery observation post at Sebu La, an elevated feature beside Nathu La that overlooked the pass. Sheru was aware of the work on the fence at the border and the ongoing tussle kept him on his toes. As an artillery observation post officer, his role was to bring down heavy fire and shelling on the enemy.

General Sagat, in his briefing the previous evening, had unequivocally instructed his commanders not to expose themselves to the enemy.


Since the Chinese appeared determined to prevent completion of the fence, it was decided to start early on 11th, and finish the job before first light. All available manpower, including a platoon of Engineers and another of Pioneers, was deployed for the task. A company of 18 Rajput was also brought in, to reinforce the position, and protect the men who were to construct the fence. As soon as work commenced, the Chinese came upto the fence, and tried to stop the work. Work commenced at dawn as planned. The response was an expected one too -- a bunch of Chinese soldiers, eager for the Indians to show up, strode up angrily to the fence.


The PLA men stood in front of the soldiers laying the wire. The Chinese commander was leading the argument and the political commissar stood next to him facing Rai Singh and the others including Bishan and his men. The Indians were asked to stop work immediately. Patience, clearly, was running out faster than expected.

A scuffle erupted and the commissar got roughed up once again. There was a heated discussion between the Chinese commander, who was accompanied by the political commissar, and Lieut Colonel Rai Singh, CO 2 Grenadiers. Sagat had foreseen this eventuality, and told Lieut Colonel Rai Singh not to expose himself, and remain in his bunker, where the Brigade Commander, Brigadier M.M.S. Bakshi, was also present. But this was not heeded, and the CO, with an escort, came out in the open, to stand face to face with the Chinese officers. As the arguments became more heated, tempers rose, but both sides stood their ground. 

Then, all of a sudden, the Chinese soldiers disengaged and returned to their bunkers. They acted with chilling, unflappable coordination. On the Chinese side, the morning was going as per plan. The commissar and the party had returned to their bunkers, leaving the Indians uncertain and uneasy. Their machine guns had been put in place, the gunners had been alerted, the soldiers in their bunkers had taken position.

It was around 7.45 am when a loud whistle broke the silence. What followed was the unbroken, grating, terrifying staccato of machine-gun fire. The Chinese let loose a ruthless barrage of shots on the exposed fence-laying Indian party. In the initial barrage a hundred men, caught out in the open, perished or were injured, including a few Chinese who were tardy in getting into their bunkers.

Soon, the area was pounded by shelling. The Chinese opened up with their artillery. It wasn't long before the gunners made their adjustments and the shells began to inch closer to the Indian posts, raining hellfire from the sky. Something needed to be done quickly to salvage the situation.

In the bunkers, Bakshi was aware that the morale of the troops would start to sink if an effective response wasn't mounted soon. As the fighting wore on, behind the ridge appeared a tall silhouette, ramrod straight in posture, a sten machine carbine in hand, at the back end of the battle. To the few that had had enough of the tough battle and who decided to retreat to a safer shelter, a rude surprise awaited.

At one stage, soon after their CO was wounded, there was a loss of morale in 2 Grenadiers, and some troops occupying the South Shoulder started upsticking. Sagat borrowed a sten from another officer, and with the help of the Subedar Major, pushed the men back into the trenches. General Sagat had decided to move closer to the scene of the battle. Like a no-nonsense army drill sergeant out to catch cadets who had loitered outside the precincts without permission, the general had started to marshal the troops that had abandoned the battle, shouting at them, herding them back into action. Sagat stood on the road coming down from Nathu La trying to stem the rout. He even threatened to shoot anyone he found moving to the rear.

General Sagat hated to see his troops run away from the Chinese. When he saw a few men struggling to keep up, he screamed at them, scolding, lambasting those who had gone astray, finally collecting them like a schoolteacher at picnic and steering them back into class--up towards the forward posts, into their harnesses and back into the battle.

Most of the soldiers stayed & fought valiantly, some attaining martyrdom. Sagat, sans permission from the government of India, hadn't been able to use artillery, in response to the Chinese shelling and heavy machine gun fire that had cost him the lives of close to a hundred soldiers. Sagat, in his capacity as a division commander, did not have the authority to use artillery and neither did the corps commander, Jagjit Singh Aurora.

The Army Chief was away, travelling abroad, and Sam Manekshaw, the eastern army commander, who was officiating in his place in Delhi, wasn't immediately available to give the orders. Time was running out at Nathu La. Any more delay would have caused a repeat of 1962. When the higher-ups paid no heed to his insistence, as the commander on ground, Sagat Singh decided to order the artillery fire himself. It is said that when Indira Gandhi, who was attending an important meeting, was finally asked for permission -- though this was moot since Sagat had already ordered the use of artillery himself -- she promptly gave the go-ahead. She took the message and ordered the use of artillery without hesitation.

The artillery officers in the observation posts rose to the occasion.

The artillery observation posts, which Sagat had sited earlier, proved their worth in bringing down effective fire on the Chinese. Because of lack of observation, and the steep incline West of Nathu La, most Chinese shells fell behind the forward defences, and did not harm the Indians. The medium guns boomed, supported by the machine guns and mortars from the forward posts. Sheru called up his cannons to unleash an uninterrupted torrent of bombardment on the Chinese, the shells crashing down on the Chinese bunkers.

By the time the bombardment ended, the casualties on the Chinese side were enormous. Approximately 340 PLA soldiers were dead and over 450 injured -- bodies were strewn outside the bunkers, tossed behind the lines, buried in trenches.

The Chinese gunners had made the mistake of opening up, thus inviting the wrath of the better positioned Indian artillery. The Chinese shelling wasn't effective as the lay of the land ensured that most shells flew beyond the ridge and over the targets that sat in defiladed positions.

But when the Indian artillery opened fire, it had every Chinese target within sight. The decimation of PLA defences, the first ever in a conflict in an India--China battle, was complete. Sagat was a marked man because despite the success, casualties on the Indian side included eighty-eight dead and over 150 injured, which his superiors would not be happy about An aggressive Sagat was not willing to take the setback lying down and he had even ordered Brigadier Bakshi to plan an attack on the Chinese on 13 September (the battle started on 11 September), as the continued artillery shelling had eliminated the Chinese defences. But the permission never came and the attack was shelved on orders from Delhi.

On 14 September, the Chinese government threatened to use its air force if India continued with any more artillery shelling. It was evident that the Indian army had put the Chinese on the back foot and to tacitly accept that they had been soundly beaten in the battle of Nathu La.

The Chinese now needed to up the ante -- and hence the threat of using the air force. The lesson, though, had been driven home: the Chinese had been given a bloody nose. Fighting stopped thereafter at Nathu La. Stunned and alarmed, the Chinese were stewing over the losses and were bracing up for an opportunity to hit back. After all, Nathu La was likely to be an outlier, a spark in the dark.

The Indians got lucky was the reaction of disbelief on the Chinese side. The Indian army that had been defeated over five years ago had made a triumphant return at Nathu La.



The Indian casualties in the action were just over two hundred - 65 dead and 145 wounded. The Chinese are estimated to have suffered about three hundred casualties. Though the action taken by Sagat, in marking the border with a wire fence, had the approval of higher authorities, the large number of casualties suffered by both sides created a furore. Of course, the casualties to Indian troops would not have occurred if they had remained in their defences, and not exposed themselves by coming out of their trenches and rushing at the Chinese post. This happened on the spur of the moment, because seeing their CO fall, the troops lost their cool, and rushed forward under the orders of a young officer, who lost his life in the action. The Corps Commander, Lieut General J.S. Aurora, visited Nathu La, to assess the situation. Sagat was advised to prevent further escalation of hostilities, and avoid casualties to Indian troops. 


The Chinese had already announced that it was the Indians who started the conflict, and the large number of Indian bodies, and wounded Indian soldiers, in their possession, seemed to support their claim. However, Sagat was not perturbed. For the last two years, the Chinese had been instigating him, and had killed several Indian soldiers. The specter of Chinese attack, of 1962, still haunted the military and political leadership in India and had prevented them from taking effective action against them. This was the first time the Chinese got a bloody nose, and the myth of their invincibility was broken.


Cho La in erstwhile kingdom of sikkim - Oct 1: 🇨🇳troops infiltrated into Sikkim-side of the border, claimed the pass, questioned the Indian occupation of it & started firing. Fighting lasted 1 day & Chinese withdrew 3kms.

October 1, 1967

On October 1, a Chinese platoon deliberately got into an argument with a forward platoon commander Naib Subedar Gyan Bahadur Limbu and bayoneted him at Cho La. But the Chinese forgot that they were facing the Gorkhas, unarguably the most daring warriors in the world. So Limbu’s men retaliated and chopped off the arms of the Chinese soldiers who killed their commander. That quickly escalated into a fierce gunbattle which continued for the next 10 days.

Two soldiers, Rifleman Devi Prasad Limbu and Havildar Tinjong Lama, were honoured with the Vir Chakra.


Rifleman Debi Prasad Limbu was the forward sentry in a platoon post in the Cho La area on the 1 October 1967. After he had finished his ammunition, he took out his khukri and charged the Chinese and eliminated five before he gave Supreme sacrifice to the nation.
 


‘Prashasta Ranvirta’ (Valour in Battle is Praiseworthy). 1 Oct 1967. ‘Cho La’. Lieutenant Colonel Mahatam Singh while commanding 10 JAK RIF displayed exemplary courage, leadership & devotion to duty in highest traditions of IndianArmy. Awarded MahaVir Chakra.

India lost some brave soldiers but were able to drive back the Chinese three kilometers behind the Cho La pass. The total number of Indian casualties in both Nathu La and Cho La incidents stand at 88 while 163 were wounded. China lost around 400 soldiers and was left with 450 wounded.

ChoLaDay

Rich tributes to 21Bravehearts, 
IA soldiers who laid down their lives on icy heights of Cho La in Sikkim from 01 to 04 Oct 1967, kept Tricolour Flying. Trishakti Corps in reverberations of rememberance. 


NATHU LA (1967)

Background

Nathu La lies on the Old Silk Routebetween Tibet and India. In 1904 Major Francis Younghusband, serving as the British Commissioner to Tibet, led a successful mission through Nathu La to capture Lhasa. This led to the setting up of trading posts at Gyantse andGartok in Tibet, and gave control of the surrounding Chumbi Valley to the British. The following year, China and Great Britain ratified an agreement approving trade between Sikkimand Tibet. In 1947, Sikkim became an Indian protectorate. After China took control of Tibet in 1950 and suppressed a Tibetan uprising in 1959, refugees entered Sikkim through Nathu La.During the 1962 Sino-Indian War, Nathu La witnessed skirmishes between soldiers of the two countries. Shortly thereafter, the pass was sealed and was closed for trade. Five years later, Nathu La was the scene of a ‘border skirmish’ between Indian and China, which resulted in heavy casualties to both sides. Significantly, it was the first and only instance when the Chinese got a ‘bloody nose’ from the Indians. After its success in 1962 War, China was overconfident & thought That it could easily run over Indian Army defenses and capture strategically important features Nathu La pass. Not only China wanted to occupy the dominant features, it also wanted to annex Sikkim which till then was only a Protectorate & not a full fledged state of India.

Chinese expected Indian govt to help it occupy Sikkim like Nehru had done in 1950, when he had tacitly helped China to capture Tibet.

But in 1967, Sikkim was responsibility of India as its protectorate.

In order to help Pakistan during the 1965 War, the Chinese served an ultimatum and demanded that India withdraw her posts at Nathu La and Jelep La. According to HQ XXXIII Corps, the main defences of 17 Mountain Division were at Changgu, while Nathu La was only an observation post. In the adjoining sector, manned by 27 Mountain Division, Jelep La was also considered an observation post, with the main defences located at Lungthu. In case of hostilities, the divisional commanders had been given the authority to vacate the posts, and fall back on the main defences. Accordingly, orders were issued by corps headquarters to both divisions to vacate Nathu La and Jelep La. As a result, 27 Mountain Division vacated Jelep La, which the Chinese promptly occupied. However, Major General Sagat Singh, GOC 17 Mountain Division, refused to vacate Nathu La. He reasoned that Nathu La and Jelep La were passes on the watershed, which was the natural boundary. The McMahon Line, which India claimed as the International Border, followed the watershed principle, and India and China had gone to war over this issue, three years earlier. Vacating the passes on the watershed would give the Chinese the tactical advantage of observation and fire, into India, while denying the same to our own troops. He also felt that the discretion to vacate the posts lay with the divisional commander, and he was not obliged to do so, based on instructions from higher headquarters.

The Chinese had installed loudspeakers at Nathu La, and warned the Indians that they would suffer as they did in 1962, if they did not withdraw. However, Sagat had carried out a detailed appreciation of the situation, and reached the conclusion that the Chinese were bluffing. They made threatening postures, such as advancing in large numbers, but on reaching the border, always stopped, turned about and withdrew. They also did not use any artillery, for covering fire, which they would have certainly done if they were serious about capturing any Indian positions. Indian artillery observation posts on adjoining high features called Camel's Back and Sebu La overlooked the Yatung valley for several kilometres, and could bring down accurate fire on the enemy, an advantage that the Chinese did not have. It would have been a tactical blunder to vacate Nathu La and gift it to the enemy. Ultimately, Sagat's fortitude saved the day for India, and his stand was vindicated two years later, when there was a show down at Nathu La.

Vexed by their failure to occupy Nathu La in 1965, the Chinese continued their pressure on the Indians. In December 1965, the Chinese fired on a patrol of 17 Assam Rifles, in North Sikkim, at a height of 16,000 feet, killing two men. They made regular broadcasts from loudspeakers at Nathu La, pointing out to Indian troops the pathetic conditions in which they lived, their low salaries and lack of amenities, comparing these to those enjoyed by Indian officers. It was a form of psychological warfare in which the Chinese were adept, and had to be countered. Sagat had similar loud speakers installed on our own side and tape recorded messages, in Chinese language, were broadcast every day. Throughout 1966 and early 1967, Chinese propaganda, intimidation and attempted incursions into Indian territory continued. The border was not marked, and there were several vantage points on the crest line which both sides thought belonged to them. Patrols which walked along the border often clashed, resulting in tension, and sometimes even casualties.

In the first week of August 1967, the border out posts (BOPs) at Nathu La were occupied by 2 Grenadiers, relieving 18 Rajput. Lieutenant Colonel Rai Singh was then commanding 2 Grenadiers. Major Bishan Singh took over as ‘Tiger Nathu La’, as the company commander holding the pass was generally known, with Captain P.S Dagar as his second-in-command. The deployment at Nathu La comprised a platoon each on Camels Back, South Shoulder, Centre Bump and Sebu La. The battalion headquarters was at Gole Ghar, while the battalion 3-inch mortars were just above Sherabthang, which also had the administrative base and forward aid post. 18 Rajput took over the BOP at Yakla where they had a platoon plus. The BOP’s at Cho La were occupied by a company of 10 Jammu & Kashmir Rifles.


Even while 2 Grenadiers was in the process of taking over the defences at Nathu La, Chinese activities increased. They were noticed repairing their bunkers on North Shoulder and making preparations to construct new ones. On 13 August the observation post at Sebu La reported that the Chinese had arrived on the crest line and dug trenches on our side of the international border. When challenged, they filled up the trenches and withdrew. On the same day they added eight more loud speakers to their already existing 21 speakers on South Shoulder. Due to this the volume of their propaganda increased and could now be heard at Changgu. On the Indian side 30 watt transistorized amplifiers with six speakers had been installed on South Shoulder by 112 Mountain Brigade Signal Company. Propaganda was relayed through tape recorders from Hotel. 

The divisional commander discussed the problem with the corps commander, Lieutenant General J.S. Aurora, and obtained his concurrence to mark the crest line. 2 Grenadiers was ordered to lay a three-strand wire fence along the border from Nathu La towards the North Shoulder. However, as soon as work began on the fence on 20 August 1967, the Chinese became agitated, and asked the Indians to stop. One strand of wire was laid that day, and two more were added over the next two days. This led to an escalation in Chinese activity. On 23 August at about 1400 hours Major Bishan Singh reported that about 75 Chinese in battle dress carrying rifles fitted with bayonets were advancing towards Nathu La. They advanced slowly in an extended line and had stopped on reaching the border extending from Four Poles area to Mao Tse Tung’s photograph on South Shoulder. At 1430 hours they started shouting slogans which the Political Commissar read out from a red book and the rest repeated after him. Indian troops were ‘standing to’, watching and waiting. Nothing happened for another hour. After standing on the border for about an hour the Chinese withdrew and all was calm and quiet again.
On 1 September the corps commander along with the divisional commander visited Nathu La. The visibility that day was rather poor. They went to Centre Bump first and then to South Shoulder. Then they walked along the border to Four Poles area, where they crossed the border and went a few steps inside. At once, the Chinese Political Commissar came running up to them, shouting “Chini, Chini”, indicating that they have crossed the border into China. The two generals immediately withdrew, but the Chinese kept on grumbling. Soon a photographer came and took photographs of their footsteps across the border. 

Next morning Sagat again went to Nathu La. He directed that the border from Right OP to Camels Back must be patrolled. Immediately a patrol of two officers, one JCO and 15 OR was sent out under Major Bishan Singh. As soon as the patrol reached the U Bump near Tekri, the Chinese surrounded them. Major Bishan Singh tried to explain to the Chinese officer that they had not crossed the border and in fact it was the Chinese who were in Indian territory. However, the Chinese did not budge. Bishan and his men then pushed their way through the Chinese and returned to Hotel. The CO, Lieutenant Colonel Rai Singh, was watching all this from South Shoulder. 

On 4 September Sagat again went to Nathu La. He directed that the wire fence be converted into a Cat Wire Type 1 obstacle, using concertina coils. The task was assigned to 2 Grenadiers. A platoon of 70 Field Company Engineers under Major Cheema was allotted to assist them. On 5 September work started at 0500 hours but the Chinese objected. There was an argument between Colonel Rai Singh and the Chinese Political Commissar as to alignment of the border. The work was stopped at 0800 hours. However, work on Chinese defences on North and South Shoulder continued. During the night the Chinese came up to the Bump and cut off one shoulder so that if water was poured on the other shoulder it would flow into China. Next morning when our men went to straighten out some wire a few Chinese came running up to the border with a bucket of water and poured it on the Bump indicating the watershed.

On 7 September the work started again on the laying the wire. This time about a hundred Chinese came to the fence and there was hand to hand fighting between the troops. Realising that they were unequal to the Jats, the Chinese withdrew and began pelting stones, the Grenadiers responding in the same manner. Because of all this fighting there was not much progress in the laying of the wire. The Chinese suffered a few casualties in wounded and we had two wounded. On 8 and 9 September things were relatively quiet but the Chinese continued work on their defences.

By now Sagat’s patience had been exhausted and he was determined to complete the work before he proceeded on leave on 12 September. On the night of 10 September he held a conference at HQ 112 Mountain Brigade in Changgu, where he personally briefed everyone on how the operation for laying the wire was to be carried out on 11 September. Additional resources in men and material were moved for this purpose. One company of 18 Rajput was brought in to reinforce the defences. An ad hoc force of 90 men was organised into a protection party to charge the Chinese positions if they opened fire. Major Bishan Singh was in charge of the work with Captain P.S Dagar as his assistant. Apart from the platoon of 70 Field Company, a pioneer platoon was to assist in the construction of the fence.

The Events of 11 September 1967

11th Sep 1967- Indian Army decided to lay Barbed wire fencing along Sikkim-Tibet Border on a pre-decided agreement between China and Sikkim.

At 0540 hours(5.40am) on 11 Sep, Engineers and jawans of Indian Army commenced the construction of fencing.


As soon as work commenced on 11 September, the Chinese came up to the fence, and tried to stop it. There was a heated discussion between the Chinese commander, who was accompanied by the Political Commissar and CO 2 Grenadiers. Sagat had foreseen this eventuality and told Rai Singh not to expose himself but remain in his bunker, where the brigade commander, Brigadier M.M.S. Bakshi, was also present. But this was not heeded and Rai Singh, with an escort, came out in the open to stand face to face with the Chinese officers. As the arguments became more heated, tempers rose, with both sides standing their ground. Suddenly, the Chinese opened fire, causing several casualties among the troops working on the wire fence. Colonel Rai Singh was hit by a Chinese bullet, and fell down.
Seeing their CO fall, the Grenadiers became mad with rage. In a fit of fury, they came out of their trenches, and attacked the Chinese post, led by Captain P.S. Dagar. The company of 18 Rajput, under Major Harbhajan Singh, and the sappers and pioneers working on the fence had been caught in the open, and suffered heavy casualties from the Chinese firing. Realising that the only way to neutralise the Chinese fire was a physical assault, Harbhajan shouted to his men, and led them in a charge on the Chinese position. Several of the Indian troops were mowed down by Chinese machine guns, but those who reached the Chinese bunkers used their bayonets and accounted for many of the enemy. Both Harbhajan and Dagar lost their lives in the action, which developed into a full scale battle, lasting six days. Sagat had asked for some medium guns, and these were moved up to Kyangnosa La, at a height of over 10,000 ft. The artillery observation posts proved their worth in bringing down effective fire on the Chinese. Because of lack of observation, and the steep incline west of Nathu La, most Chinese shells fell behind the forward defences, and did not harm the Indians. 

Under fire, a quick decision to use artillery had to be made, but the decision from top authorities was getting delayed.

Major Gen Sagat Singh was the Division Cdr of 17 Inf Division in-charge of Sikkim.
It was then that Gen Sagat Singh  overstepped his authority & gave the orders to use heavy artillery against Chinese.

This decision by Gen Sagat Singh to use heavy artillery w/o waiting for permission from top authorities changed the course of battle.
Friends, I slightly deviating from 1967 to 1965, when Maj General Sagat Singh was commanding 17 Mountain division, refused to vacate NathuLa as ordered by his superiors. Had he obeyed his superiors, Nathu La pass would have been occupied by Chinese in 1965 itself as China had promptly occupied Jeep La pass vacated by 27th Mtn Div(On orders from top).

During the first day’s action, there was a loss of morale in 2 Grenadiers, when troops occupying the South Shoulder vacated their positions. This became evident after breakdown of communications with South Shoulder. The position was re-occupied and the troops pushed back into their trenches. Signals played an important role in this operation, which has been described subsequently.

The Indian casualties in the action were just over two hundred - 65 dead and 145 wounded. The Chinese are estimated to have suffered about three hundred casualties. Though the action taken by Sagat, in marking the border with a wire fence, had the approval of higher authorities, the large number of casualties suffered by both sides created a furore. The Chinese had already announced that it was the Indians who started the conflict, and the large number of Indian bodies and wounded Indian soldiers in their possession, seemed to support their claim. However, Sagat was not perturbed. For the last two years, the Chinese had been instigating him, and had killed several Indian soldiers. The spectre of the Chinese attack of 1962 still haunted the military and political leadership in India and had prevented them from taking effective action against them. This was the first time the Chinese got a bloody nose, and the myth of their invincibility was broken.


GOC arrived at Sherabthang with C Arty to discuss the operation for the morning of 13 September 67. The plan in general was as follows.
Before first light we would provoke the enemy to open fire. Once he opens fire we would destroy his bunkers with RCL, rocket launchers & strim grenades. Then on a signal of white smoke, troops on South Shoulder would withdraw & take cover just before S Shoulder. Then CO 182 Light would bring down the full divisional artillery and mortars on South & North Shoulders till every soul & bunker is destroyed. Once this is achieved on a signal of red smoke our troops would move from below South Shoulder & capture enemy position on South Shoulder & prevent any enemy counter attack. The plan sounded really ambitious and Commander was rightly rather reluctant to execute it with the amount of briefing of local commanders and degree of preparedness on our own side. The GOC agreed to Commander’s suggestion to have a rehearsal on 13 morning & execute the same on 14 morning. For in that time he will also be able to get an OK from Delhi. After briefing, GOC left for Changgu at 2400 hrs.25
The skirmish at Nathu La continued for another five days. As would be evident from the personal account and diary of Second Lieutenant N.C Gupta, the events left a deep impression on his mind. In his own company, he found instances of fear and cowardice. More than that, he found it difficult to get over the fact that two of the elite infantry battalions of the Indian Army had been found wanting in courage.
Gupta’s actions in holding South Shoulder alone for a few hours, taking Attar Singh and his platoon to reoccupy the feature and saving the life of the badly wounded Major Bishan Singh under enemy fire were indeed commendable and deserved to be rewarded. His actions had been witnessed by the brigade and divisional commanders and it was expected that he would be given a gallantry award. Unfortunately, the fact that South Shoulder post had been abandoned was mentioned in his citation. As was to be expected, the military hierarchy as well as the political leadership was reluctant to highlight this aspect. This was the first brush with the Chinese after 1962 and such a statement was politically not acceptable. On account of its likely repercussions the citation was diluted and the portion about Indian troops vacating their posts was removed. In the event, N.C. Gupta was awarded a Sena Medal instead of the MVC that he deserved. 

An interesting sidelight of the Nathu La incident has been given by Lieutenant General M.S. Sodhi, who writes:-
I recall the Nathu La incident too. I was commanding XXXIII Corps Signals. The telephone lines were down and the GOC wanted immediate confirmation of action proposed by him. He dictated his very clear cut and precise appreciation of the situation on the telephone to me and had me send a message to the GOC-in-C with copy to Army HQ !! General JS Aurora considered dictation to me more expedient than sending for his BGS/GSO 1. The message was encrypted and cleared on RTT in a Flash. He got concurrence to his proposed action in very good time.
I also recall a conversation with General Sagat when I happened to meet him at the airport a few days later. I asked him how the communications support was during the operations. His response was, with tongue in cheek, "Bloody awful! The Corps Commander could contact me in the most forward post!"


Let's come back to 1967 Combat at Nathu La. A fierce battle took place between Chinese and Indian troops. Commanding officer of 2nd Grendiers Lt Col Rai Singh Yadav inspite of getting seriously injured fought bravely leading his troops from the front.

Major Harbhajan Singh of 18 Rajput Regiment got seriously wounded, left his trench to destroy enemy's Machine gun with hand grenadewhich was continously firing at Ind troops, killed 6 Chinese soldiers including their Commissar in hand to hand combat with bayonets.

Battle for NathuLa Pass lasted from 11th Sep to 14th Sep 1967.

Ind Army inflicted a telling/embarrassing defeat on PLA of China.

Casualties Details:
India-88 martyred,163wounded
China- 340 killed, 453 wounded

China suffered 75% more casualties than India.

Gallantry Awards- Battle Of NathuLa

MahavirChakra

Tiger Of NathuLa -


Major Harbhajan Singh,18 Rajput Regiment was awarded Mahavir Chakra (posthumously).

Brigadier Rai Singh Yadav, 2nd Grenadiers Commanding officer in 1967

Lt Col Mahatam Singh,10JnK Rifles


VirChakra

Capt PS Dagar
Hav Lakhmi Chand
Sep Gokul Singh

Gen Sagat Singh, the main Architect of victory was not considered for awards. That's the shameful way our Bureaucracy and Political Class works.

Gen Sagat Singh was shunted out to Mizoram to take charge of counter-insurgency operations. He excelled there too Resounding Victory Over China but Indians don't even know. China was taught a lesson which kept it away from Ind borders for next 53 yrs.

India never lost a battle to China after 1962 debacle

1962 - Indian Army did not lose the War to China, but the Bureaucracy and Political Powers at New Delhi let down India, its citizens & Defence Forces.

Indian Defence Forces have never let down the Nation, or the people of India.

They have always stood their ground firmly, fought bravely and earned laurels for the Nation in every battle.

Why the Victory of NathuLa and. Cho La not been told to Indians? Reasons follow

Why the twin victories against Dragon the battles of Sikkim Passes (NathuLa & ChoLa,1967) and the vindication during Somdurong Chu Valley Stand Off hardly ever mentioned, let alone celebrated? Reasons :
Excuse 1- 

1967 got sandwiched between the victories of 1965 & 1971

Excuse2 -

Media,Politicians, Bureaucracy may say NathuLa & ChoLa were not full blown Wars.

Excuse 3-

Indian Forces just stood ground successfully calling Chinese bluff. Neither side lost/gained any territory.

 Main Reason- Both Victories were won by disobeyng Govt Orders. 

Conclusion -

My Dear Patriots, Had it not been for Gen Sagat Singh's refusal to obey orders of Superiors to vacate Nathu La, India would ceded large chunk of land to China, may be even Sikkim.
Sometime, in National interest  it's important to disobey superiors.